A comprehensive file on international competition in Africa: its motives and parties

Many indicators have become likely that the African continent has become an essential area of international conflict between multiple players. The United States of America has been concerned for some time in the security and military aspects in many African regions, and China plays important economic and investment roles on the continent, and France is almost unique in many African regions, especially those that were under its colonial influence. The Russian player recently appeared in some countries, as well as Turkey, Israel, Iran and others. Africa includes the largest gathering of developing countries in the world, with thirsty markets for investments, the fastest global population growth, enormous wealth, and governments lacking tools for imposing security and stability, modernizing infrastructure and providing basic services. Added to that geographical location of Africa, which made it a continent of special strategic importance; It contains important and main harassment in international navigation routes, and it is the second largest continent and geographical extension.

In this context, and to find out the nature of international competition in Africa and understand its motives, limbs, dimensions, and foresight in light of the different strategies and contradictions, the Al-Jazeera Center for Studies organized an international conference on July 14-15, 2021 in which a group of researchers specialized in African affairs participated.

Contents

China's arrival in Africa is the most important development in the continent after the Cold War;As its growing presence has become its priorities in economic and political terms, and it is clear that it is first related to ensuring commercial excellence and economic development of China, and this development requires internally and externally to secure strategic raw materials.

من التعاون السياسي إلى Economic cooperation

Relations between the People's Republic of China and Africa historically defined a significant change, from an explicit policy to a much greater focus on economic relations. In the fifties of the twentieth century, China needed liberation movements throughout Africa in its anti -colonial struggles. After independence, the Chinese government wooked to the new African governments to obtain diplomatic recognition and support to demand Beijing to represent China at the United Nations instead of the government of China's national government "Taiwan", which was and still recognized by Western countries. In the 1960s, Africa was also a competition between China and the Soviet Union. Therefore, the Chinese government provided aid to Africa, and the most prominent example of this was the railway that was built in the 1970s for Zambia obtaining a sea port as an alternative to the traditional road through Zimbabwe, which was then under the rule of the white minority.

The aid provided by China to Africa in that period was great for a relatively poor country like China, so trade with Africa remained limited, and foreign investment remained not present, and it is clear that the aid was driven by political goals, not economic, and China's commitment speech was only as a matter of solidarity and hostilityImperialism.

After the death of the Chinese leader, Mao Zedong, 1976, and as a result of the radical economic changes adopted by China since the late 1970s, Chinese aid fell abroad significantly, and its presence in Africa decreased, but after the Western criticism of the repression in Tiananmen Square, in 1989, China restored China Emphasizing its relations with developing countries, especially Africa. In the late 1990s, and after a tour of former Chinese President Jiang Zimin, he led him to six African countries, in 1996, the region began again to take the attention of China. In 2000, the first China-Africa Cooperation Forum was held in Beijing, and although the political discourse surrounding these meetings did not change significantly from the Maoist era, the content has turned to emphasize the expansion of economic relations, trade exchanges, and Chinese investment (1) .

Motivates: Between geo -economic and geopolitical

In contrast to the traditional perception that China is only concerned with natural resources in Africa, China's interests in Africa include several dimensions: political, economic and commercial.The importance of these goals for China may differ according to the circumstance and according to the nature of its participation in the region.It is useful in this section to distinguish between two main classes of interests that prompted China to engage in all its weight in the region:

أولًا: أهداف جيوسياسية دبلوماسية: وتشمل عزل تايوان، وكسب حلفاء للحصول على الدعم الدبلوماسي في المحافل الدولية، وزيادة القوة الناعمة للصين في المنطقة، وتقديمها كبديل للغرب.

From the early days of the establishment of the People's Republic of China, political interests have been the founding of Beijing's relationship with Africa, and in its pursuit of friends in the international bilateral system after the Cold War, Beijing has defined the newly independent countries in Africa as a major group that can be dealt with, China has seen a common ground and a feeling In sympathy with Africa as a result of their common historical experiences, Africa and China were victims of "colonialism by capitalists and imperialists" and they faced the same pursuit of national independence and liberation after the Second World War, and under these principles, and during the first official meeting of China with Africa at the Bandung Conference, in 1955, participated Prime Minister Zhou Ni, and active alongside the leaders of six African countries: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya and Sudan.

In the sixties of the twentieth century, and because of the efforts made by the United States and the Soviet Union to involve Africa, as well as the escalating conflict between China and Soviet, amid that competition, the focus on Africa increased in the Chinese foreign policy agenda. During the period from 1963 to 1964, the Prime Minister, Chu In Lay, visited ten African countries and China issued "the eight principles of foreign economic and technological assistance." These aid principles were designed to compete at the same time with the United States and the Soviet Union to obtain Africa's support; China has used its foreign aid to Africa as a tool to enhance its political interests.

During the cultural revolution, and under the influence of revolutionary ideology, China has provided large quantities of foreign aid to Africa, despite the internal economic difficulties it was facing.China has provided a 988 million yuan loan without interest, and these external aid projects have contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relations during that period that included 19 African countries.

By the mid -1980s, Beijing's political efforts and aid had gained diplomatic relations with 44 African countries.In terms of the political importance of Africa, China's main goal was historically to be diplomatic recognition and the establishment of official relations that strengthen the political legitimacy of the Communist regime throughout the 1960s;Where the support of African countries has greatly contributed to reducing the pressure on China, the pressure from the international isolation imposed by the United States and the Soviet Union, and since then China's rapprochement towards Africa has been constant.

On the other hand, China relies heavily on diplomatic support and cooperation with African countries on major issues on the international scene and in multilateral forums;Where the 54 African countries represent more than a quarter of the United Nations member states.In 1972, China was convinced of the real importance and political value of Africa when it voted 26 African countries in favor of the People's Republic of China's resumption of its seat at the United Nations.

In the wake of the events of Tiananmen Square, in 1989, Beijing faced serious international isolation and Western sanctions, and again, six African countries saved China by inviting the Chinese Foreign Minister to visit, and was the first head of state and foreign minister who also visited China from Africa as well.

In 2008, before the Begin Olympics, the "Tibet" issue became a painful point for China in the United Nations Human Rights Council;As China relied on African countries to remain silent and not to issue data that supports Tibet's policy in order to defuse and anticipate hostilities or hostilities.

Today, with regard to issues ranging from human rights, United Nations and regional security, and the basic national interests of China, China is looking for Africa always beside it.

Among the main political aspirations of China in its relationship with Africa is also the end of the diplomatic presence of Taiwan on the continent. For Beijing, Africa's adoption of the "one China" policy and the acceptance of Beijing instead of Taipei as the only legitimate representative of China is a matter related to the legitimacy of the political system (2).

Historically, during the Cold War and before the Chinese reform and openness policy, ideology was a major factor in defining China's policy towards African countries;As China was seeing itself the first candidate in the developing world against colonialism and imperialism.The focus on ideology has arisen due to the hostile external environment that forced China to search for a friendly diplomatic space to ensure its survival, and after gradually abandoning it since 1979, it has developed wide relations with all African countries that adopt a single China's policy.

If China's relationship with African countries is primarily driven by economic interests and political considerations, such as mobilizing international supporters and supporting the legitimacy of the Chinese government, then the ideological interest of China in Africa has not disappeared as a result of turning the country its priorities into the economic field, and instead, it took a different and more subtle form , Forming the legitimacy of Beijing by spreading and generalizing its development model; Where the more countries that adopt and adopt Beijing approach, China felt less isolated. Begin also wants to see non -Western and non -democratic governments grow and thrive, simply because it increases the legitimacy of its international political system by showing that Western democracy is not a global value. Therefore, any success of non -democratic governments in Africa, is seen in itself as support for the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (3).

Although China does not claim its endeavor to impose its own model on African countries, the admiration of the Chinese model in Africa is seen as it gives legitimacy to the Chinese Communist Party also at home (4).

ثانيًا: أهداف جيواقتصادية(5): وتشمل أمن إمدادات الطاقة والموارد المعدنية والزراعية من جهة، والأهداف التجارية المتعلقة بالسوق الاستهلاكية التي توفرها لمصنِّعيها وشركاتها في القطاعين الخاص والعام، بهدف تعزيز الصادرات ودعم التوسع الدولي للشركات الصينية والحد من الاعتماد على التجارة مع الغرب من ناحية ثانية.

There is a debate within China about whether political interests or economic interests should be the maximum priority of China in its relationship with Africa.Despite Africa's political importance, China has raised economic considerations to a much higher level in its local and external agenda since the beginning of reform and openness in 1979, and this is the direct result of Beijing's strategy to diversify and enhance its legitimacy by achieving economic development of the public.

According to Chinese analysts, the six contracts of China-Africa economic relations can be divided approximately into three stages:

Initial materials: The rich energy reserves in Africa, minerals and raw materials directly feed China to obtain natural resources to enhance its local economic growth. Africa is the second largest continent in the world with an area of 30 million square kilometers and 1.2 billion people and contains a huge amount of natural resources, and has made this feature, along with a relatively low population density and the small manufacturing industry, Africa is a major goal of Chinese imports. Africa is also ranked first or second in terms of abundance in the world, for minerals such as Caloxite, Cobalt, Diamonds, phosphate rocks, platinum minerals, chochen, firmecolite and garklium, and many other minerals are present in large quantities, such as gold, copper, coal, oil, etc. (7).

Consequently, oil and minerals are at the heart of the economic relationship between China and Africa, and this is reflected in the formation of their imports and the main sectors in which their companies are investing.Although the sources differ greatly in their estimates of the size of Chinese companies in oil and mining in Africa, they all agree that these sectors are the most important in terms of Chinese investment in the region.

Although Chinese projects and loans are not only concentrated in extractive industries, they are indirectly related to the sector through the wide -range use of loans known as "resources against infrastructure", which are often used to finance infrastructure projects in the region.

China's increasing dependence on oil and minerals imported since the mid -nineties of the twentieth century has made the guarantee of the supply of raw materials a strategic goal;It adopted various strategies to increase the security of those resources, including diversifying import sources, the acquisition of Chinese companies for resources abroad, and long -term contracts with foreign suppliers on the one hand.

On the other hand, China has worked to encourage oil companies and mining to invest in basic resources abroad, and then the region has become an important target for Chinese investment. In 2013, the International Energy Agency estimated that more than a quarter of the oil produced by Chinese companies abroad comes from Africa, and Chinese companies have invested in mining and minerals in Africa more than they invested in the energy sector. Unfortunately, there is no information on the production of Chinese companies in the region for minerals or about the share of Chinese imports represented by these minerals. The third strategy for increasing resource security is the long -term contracts concluded with suppliers, and here, the role played by loans known as "resource exchange versus infrastructure" is very large; The contracts include the commitment of the borrowed government to supply raw materials over a number of years to pay the loan, as long as the borrower does not retract the loan, and this guarantees safe supplies in the long run (8).

Africa has also become important for reasons related to Chinese food security;Petin is heading to Africa to buy vast agricultural lands with the aim of investing it to feed its residents who will exceed 1.5 billion people by 2025.

Chinese imports of African agricultural products in 2020 increased by 14 percent on average annually, making China the second largest importer in this category;South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Egypt and the Congo are the five main partners of China in terms of agricultural products imports (9).

Trade: Several survey studies have highlighted the importance of commercial considerations such as access to the local market, benefit from African trade agreements, low production costs, and the availability of raw materials in investment decisions for Chinese companies on the continent. China has been watching Africa for its market potential; The Chinese manufacturing industries are characterized by the production of textiles, electronics and other products at a relatively low price, which suits the least advanced African market. The importance of Africa as a market for China was greatly strengthened as a result of the international financial crisis in 2008 and its terrible impact on export industries, when the demand for Chinese goods shrinks from stagnant Western economies, so the export industries in China had to resort to alternative markets to fill the void. Moreover, and while China seeks to upgrade its industrial economy and upgrade the global supply chain, Africa, with its massive and unused labor resources, is the ideal location for Chinese industries intense, and by transporting these low -skilled industries and jobs to Africa; China seeks more industries in high -tech to improve its development model and quality (10).

Other initiatives aimed at strengthening Chinese trade and investment in Africa are the establishment of private economic zones; It was established approximately five regions, two of which are in Nigeria and one region in Ethiopia, Zambia and Mauritius, and others are being established mainly to provide the local and possibly regional market rather than being an export platform to the global market (11). A study conducted by the American McKenzi Agency indicates more than a thousand Chinese companies currently operating in Africa, other sources talking about two thousand five hundred companies, 90% of which are private companies, while it expected that the value of the financial profits that China earns from Africa will reach 2025 to 440 One billion dollars (12).

Compared to the year 1950, when the total China-Africa trade amounted to only 121 million dollars, Chinese-African trade exceeded by 2000 the threshold of 10 billion dollars. In 2020, the value of trade between China and Africa reached 187 billion dollars, the value of imports reached 72.7 billion dollars and exports 114.2 billion US dollars. According to the Chinese Ministry of Trade, China has maintained its position as the largest commercial partner with Africa for 12 consecutive years, while the opening of its market to Africa, and the investments of new Chinese companies included 47 African countries in 2020, and the contractual value of Chinese contracting projects in Africa reached to Africa to $ 67.9 billion, indicating the growing confidence of Chinese companies in the African market (13).

The distinction between geo -and geopolitical motives is not often separate;Where the economic goals that have been discussed can be seen as serving geopolitical purposes in the long run in terms of ensuring the continuing economic growth that is the source of legitimacy of the Communist Party, and externally by contributing to the political rise of China both regional and global.

Africa as a china's major strategy tactic

During the administration of Ho Jintao (2003-2012), China began adopting a holistic principle in foreign policy "in all respects/in all directions" (all-Round/All-DireCational), which theoretically differentiates between geographical regions or countries. According to the Chinese senior analysts, Chinese foreign policy is not related to the relationship with a specific region or country, but rather depends on a balanced diplomacy that seeks to develop relations with all important forces in the world. Under this principle, China has developed a specific strategic map for all regions and countries in the world based on: the major powers are the key; The vicinity of China is priority; Developing countries are the basis; The multilateral platforms are the platform. Nevertheless, the countries are not all equal, and the fact is that China differentiates with each other, and the neighbors of China and major powers are dealt with as more important areas for foreign policy. On the other hand, its relations with the major powers, such as China's relationship with the United States, are important, of course, because it has the greatest impact on China's national interests (14).

From this standpoint, the category of developing countries to which African countries belong to, constitutes a "basis" or can be considered a "tactic" of the major China strategy (i.e. a procedure among a set of specific procedures that help to implement the major strategy), in other words that can be considered a means orA tool for China's relationship with more important parts of the world.

Africa is not in the vicinity of China and has relatively stable and positive relations with it, and it does not constitute any threat, and not a large unified force, so its main importance lies in forming the basis for Beijing's relationship with the world, and therefore it requires a lower amount of attention and effort on the part of China, compared to the vicinity of ChinaThe regional tension and conflicts, and in comparison with the great powers (especially with the United States and its allies in the region), who consider them the largest possible threat to Chinese national security;It sees in their support for Taiwan, Tibetan, and Uighur groups abroad, a direct challenge to the Sovereignty of the People's Republic of China.

Africa does not pose a direct threat or challenge to Chinese national security, and because of the geographical distance there is no regional conflict between China and Africa, and African does not support the efforts of Taiwan, Tibet or Xinjiang in its efforts to independence from China, and has no interest in promoting democracy in China.Since Africa is a less worrying zone for Chinese foreign policy, Beijing has more disturbing and less resources for Africa.

Despite the importance of Africa's support for the local and international political agendas of China, it is believed that securing such support is relatively easy.

Another reason that makes Africa is a low priority in China's foreign policy lies in the fact that the economic interests of China on the entire continent are relatively small despite its interesting growth.The major trading partners of China are either major powers or neighbors of China, while Africa is a secondary partner.As of 2012, the largest commercial partners of China, the European Union, the United States, the Association of Southeast Asian Countries (ASEAN), Hong Kong and Japan.

Although Chinese-African trade amounted to $ 198.4 billion in 2012, it constitutes only 5% of the global trade of China (3.867 trillion dollars).In terms of exports and imports, Africa constitutes 4.2% and 6.2%, respectively, from China's global exports and imports (15).

Despite all of this, Africa will remain important to China as a necessary way to achieve some of its political, economic and strategic goals in the long run.By expanding its relations with Africa - in addition to the gains and opportunities it provides - is also seeking to highlight its solidarity with the developing world in China's pursuit of "democratic character to international relations" and put its mark in the new international system.

Therefore, China uses diplomacy, economic and commercial relations, aid, loans, culture and others in its African relations to gain African confidence first, then to maintain its good relations with African countries and consolidate them to serve their strategic goals.

Diplomatic: Almost every high -ranking Chinese politician has traveled to Africa, and he visited many African leaders China, and Bejin has about 48 embassies in Africa, and its provinces of 22, as well as five self -government regions, all have relations with African countries.The Chinese general diplomacy in Africa includes scientific exchanges, cultural activities 46), Confucius Institute (, Governance, Security Cooperation and Media. China also built the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, in 2012, and the headquarters formed a “gift” worth $ 200 million that was fully fundedBy the Chinese government (16).

Aid: Since 2000, China's development assistance to Africa has grown a significant growth, and while China has depicted itself as the "largest developing country", it claims to spend more than half of its foreign aid in favor of 51 African countries that include projects, goods, technical cooperation, and cooperation In the field of human resources development, medical and humanitarian aid (these often pass through United Nations organizations), volunteers, and reduce debt burden. In addition to material aid, whether as grants - that is, aid without charge - or loans without interest or soft loans. Although the Chinese government publishes few details about its external aid program, Aid/Delta found that China provided about $ 31.5 billion from aid to Africa between 2000 and 2013, and for comparison, the United States spent about 92.7 billion dollars, That is, nearly three times the amount during the same period (17).

Loans: The Chinese government pledged high-level obligations to provide funding for Africa in the meetings of the China-Africa Cooperation Forum in 2006; Where it promised to provide 5 billion dollars in the form of preferential loans and preferential credits to export purchases towards Africa between 2007 and 2009, and it was also pledged to provide ten billion dollars in the form of preferential loans between 2010 and 2012, and twenty billion dollars between 2013 and 2015. In 2015, I promised sixty billion dollars over the following three years, and the same amount was pledged in 2018. But away from loose pledges, it is difficult to obtain a clear picture of the size of Chinese financial flows towards Africa, and the Chinese government does not publish data on Official financial flows on the basis of two countries or regional, and the Export and Import Bank or the Chinese Development Bank does not publish anything about this, which are the main provisions of Chinese financing for Africa. Chinese loans for Africa are concentrated in the transport and energy sectors; This is consistent with the Chinese government's view that "the basic infrastructure is the main obstacle to the development of many African countries." Unlike the prevailing opinion, a small percentage of Chinese loans go directly to mining or oil and gas projects in Africa.

One of the features of Chinese financing in Africa is the intense use of "resources versus infrastructure" loans, which are paid by exporting basic resources to China.According to the most appreciated of these loans provided to Africa, the total amount of the period between 2000 and 2014 amounted to about 30 billion dollars, which represents a third of the total lending of China to Africa during this period;Whereas, most of these loans are related to oil, some of them are minerals, and in a few cases, the payment is done by agricultural exports (18).

Direct investments: Although Africa represents 16.7% of the world's population, however, the inventory of foreign direct internal investment in the region does not exceed 2.6% (954 billion dollars) of the global total in 2019. Then the share of China is a foreign direct investment in Africa She was the fifth largest stock in 2018; It reached 46 billion dollars, after the Netherlands, France, the United States and the United Kingdom. However, China's stock of foreign direct investment in Africa increased by 43.8% between 2014 and 2018, while France, the United Kingdom and the United States witnessed the decrease in their foreign direct investment shares by 11.7%, 26.9% and 30.4% during the same period . While the total foreign direct investment flows from China to Africa amounted to 95.7 billion dollars from 2005 to 2019, which represents only 7.8% of China's foreign direct investment over the period of 15 years. It is slightly more than 40.3% of China's foreign direct investment flows in Africa in only three countries: Nigeria, South Africa and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The tremendous needs of China of resources make Africa a suitable destination for Chinese investments;As the continent includes at least 28 countries classified by the International Monetary Fund as a resource, and about 37.9% of Chinese foreign investments in Africa have gone to the energy sector.

While the Chinese foreign direct investment in Africa is large, the value of Chinese construction projects on the continent is much greater, and it indicates that Africa is a priority for Chinese infrastructure projects;In the period from 2005 to 2019, China signed 544 building contracts in Africa with a total value of $ 267.7 billion, which represents about a third of the total value of China's construction projects around the world (19).

Project contracts: Another form that the Chinese takes in Africa and is carried out through contracting projects abroad that do not involve direct investments;As the Chinese are very active in building roads, railways, dams and power stations, as well as public buildings in all regions.The official Chinese figures for the value of the completed projects increased by more than twenty times between 2003 and 2015.Since 2010, Africa formed about 30% of the total value of contracted projects from China around the world, and more than 130,000 Chinese workers have been employed in projects in Africa at the end of 2015.

China is the most important source of external financing for basic structures in Africa, and Chinese companies represent nearly half of the engineering, purchases and construction market in the region. During the period 2005-2015, Angola, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Sudan and Equatorial Guinea were the most important markets in the region for Chinese contractors, all of which were major oil exporters, with the exception of Ethiopia. These projects represent more than half of the value of Chinese projects completed in Africa during this period. Although the official Chinese data on foreign contracts do not give details of the concerned sectors, estimates indicate that the most important sector in terms of Chinese contracts in the region is the transport, which represents nearly half of the decades announced between 2005 and mid -2016 , Especially the railway projects; It represents more than half of the value of transport projects. The second sector is energy, especially electrical energy, which represents half of all energy contracts. Finally, construction projects represent 12% of the total (20).

In the year 2020, more than six thousand kilometers of railways and highways and nearly twenty port and more than eighty large energy facilities and more than 130 medical institutions, 45 sports facilities and 170 schools, and the value of the new contracts for engineering projects signed by Chinese companies in Africa, amounted to Africa.55.1 billion dollars, an increase of 13.3%(21).Chinese companies have created more than 4.5 million job opportunities on the African continent (22).

China-Africa Cooperation Forum: It is a consultative forum and a dialogue mechanism that China started in 2000 to enhance Chinese cooperation with Africa in various sectors. The first time was held in Beijing, from October 10 to 12, 2000, and President Jiang Zimin participated in it.The President of the State Council, Zhou Rong Ji, and Vice President of the People's Republic of China, is Jin Tao.

This meeting was attended by more than 80 ministers from China and delegates from 44 African countries, including presidents and representatives from 17 international and regional organizations (23).

Since the establishment of the forum in 2000, Africa and China have formulated and implemented "ten main programs for cooperation" and "eight major initiatives", and since then, the trade volume has increased by 20 times, and China's direct investment in Africa has increased by 100 times (24).

China today is the largest foreign player in Africa, and is the largest commercial partner for Africa, the largest infrastructure, and the fastest growing source of foreign direct investment, as Chinese entrepreneurs also flows to the continent, and invest in long -term projects.

But until the moment, it remains difficult to look at China in Africa as part of a well -studied and long -term integrated policy or strategy, but it is only related to a set of goals and some tools and mechanisms used to achieve these goals.This is greatly reflected in China's failure to determine the priorities of its economic and political interests in its relationship with Africa.While China views Africa primarily through an economic perspective, it has other major political interests, such as Africa's support for China's local and foreign agenda.

But without a coherent African strategy, the conflict between the economic and political goals of China contributes directly to the growing bureaucratic conflicts between both the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Trade; As both consider itself the true representative of China's supreme interests in Africa, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs believes that the broader strategic agenda of China is undermining the priority of economic goals. The conflict is very clear, for example, about the foreign aid provided by China to Africa: for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, foreign aid is mainly political tools for China to enhance bilateral relations and facilitate the development of African countries. That the economic benefits be related to the projects of those aid only, such as profitability, resource extraction or the acquisition services contracts for Chinese sellers, as this comes in the second place. While the Ministry of Commerce sees the opposite, and from its point of view, foreign aid serves the comprehensive national priority of China, which is economic growth, so all aspects of aid decisions should reflect large -scale economic considerations.

Under this logic, the Ministry of Trade, of course, tends to allocate the budget for aid to countries that offer to China the largest number of commercial opportunities and benefits.Since China's excessive economic interest is the natural resources of Africa, the aid decisions inevitably tend to resource -rich countries, while other aid decisions are receiving less attention.

This approach directly contributes to the negative perception that China pumps aid, financing and infrastructure projects only in exchange for natural resources and private interests.

The conflict between the economic and political aspects of China's policy towards Africa as well due to the multiplicity of Chinese actors operating in Africa, such as state -owned companies at the central level, provinces and private companies.The schedule of these actors is mostly economic, while due to the independence of these bodies and the absence of administration and the central supervision of external activities, it becomes very difficult for Beijing to manage its various priorities and implement its dictates.

The multiplicity of commercial actors expands the scope of China -Africa interactions to the state's governmental field; As all Chinese companies do not follow the state’s policy towards Africa at all times, or even respect it, but Chinese companies tend to follow their own operational model in the pursuit of low costs, lack of respect for social and environmental issues, poor conditions and ethics of work. In many cases, followers of this model lead to direct conflicts with local communities. For many of these actors, the primary goal is to double profits and eventually return to China; There is no long -term strategic vision. But when China's extensive relations with Africa are examined by Africans or foreigners, especially the West, these actors are seen as improving China's policy as a country, as Beijing subsequently receives most of the blame for not behaving properly (25).

The interests of the Africans and their fears

We can drop the same distinction between political, economic and commercial aspects in discussing African gains. From a political point of view, the Chinese approach to not interfering in the internal affairs of African countries and not imposing any political conditions on borrowed countries (theoretically) makes dealing with China attractive. This was a great Western criticism of China's involvement in the region, on the basis that it provides support to authoritarian regimes, but even for relatively democratic countries, China's approach is not related to pre -conditions remains important (just as it is not possible to overlook the role that China can play for the benefit of African countries as it is. Always a member of the Security Council and has a veto). The increasing competition between the forces created by China's entry into the region has provided an opportunity for African governments to increase its negotiating ability.

Economically, African economies face a chronic shortage of the basic infrastructure in the field of energy, transportation and communications; The World Bank estimated, in 2010, that the annual amount needed to bridge the gap in the infrastructure in Africa amounted to 31 billion dollars, and African countries do not have government revenues or foreign exchange necessary to finance major infrastructure projects of this size. Western lenders and investors were not interested in financing such projects. The World Bank and other Western donors, who in a previous era, have focused on the infrastructure loans since largely on loans related to programs and social sectors such as health and education instead of infrastructure.

In this context, African governments, on their part, were keen to take advantage of China's willingness to finance major infrastructure projects in the region.

Consequently, the growth of replaced loans with raw materials is not only the result of China's efforts to secure energy supplies and raw materials, but also the desire of Africans to develop their basic greeting structures.African governments have been able to use their natural resources to obtain infrastructure and financing other projects from China with a later payment.

Therefore, we can conclude that the use of "infrastructure against raw materials" in Africa is also a result of the rapprochement between different interests, including the interests of African elites in obtaining external funds, and African governments also welcome additional revenues of foreign exchange and government incomesThe result of increased oil, gas and mineral exports to China (in addition to importing cheaper goods from China) that help reduce the balance of payments and budget restrictions (26).

In general, it is a mistake to ignore the role of Africans in explaining Africa's growing commitment to China, and although Chinese interests constitute the most important factor in its economic existence in Africa, it is unlikely that this growth is so quickly that it were not for the complementary interests on the African side.

However, although the Africans have received the Chinese with open arms since the late 1990s, there has been a great deal of apprehension that has been growing recently.As the image of China in African public opinion is slowly fading.According to the "Afoparometer" scale, 59% of the poll participants believe in 2020 that China's influence in their country was positive, after it was 63% in 2015 (27).

We find among the common concerns or criticisms of China's relations with Africa:

Its "colonial" structure: Africa sells raw materials to China and sells China for manufactured goods and services to Africa, and this is a dangerous equation that reproduces the relationship of ancient Africa with the colonial powers; As about 90% of the exports of African countries towards China are only oil, minerals and gas, which made the trade balance tend more to China at the expense of these African countries (28), whose economies remain volatile, since China has become a major importer of raw materials in the early twenty -first century The prices witnessed upward trends that strengthened the power of the growth of the exporting countries for more than a decade, but they witnessed the worst of what they witnessed with the collapse of prices; As it had dire social and political consequences (29), and because the Chinese export strategy contributes negatively to ambition in some African countries in economic manufacturing and diversification and in developing an added industry, which would support local demand, create wealth and job opportunities.

Its imperialist logic: In that its relations are largely uneven with African countries, Africa is considered a consumer market and a handicraft area, in response to an industrial apparatus in a full shift since the financial crisis, (as China is recently looking to seize stakes in the telecommunications market, the cultural industry, etc., through Its large groups such as Ali Baba, Tinetnet, Huawei or ZTE, which are expected to play an important role in preparing African capitals networks). Beijing aims at the geographical coverage of the entire continent through a regional approach divided between the waterfront of the Indian Ocean (Djibouti, Kenya, Tanzania), openness to West and North Africa (across the Mediterranean), and finally South Africa (through its distinguished economic and political partner: South Africa) . The purpose of this strategy is the active promotion of the "New Silk Road" project, which would develop the basic structures of ports, railways and roads, enabling all African countries to integrate in a deeper and easier way in the process of globalization (30).

Setting trap of borrowing: Between 2000 and 2018, 50 African countries out of 54 from China borrowed in various forms. In 2018, the People's Republic of China retained nearly 21 % of the external general debt that is not dedicated to the continent, with a large part of these loans related to the infrastructure whose importance and cost is a question of question at times (railways, ports, roads, power stations, etc. till then). However, the debt of the African countries of China vary, which is the largest external donor to each other such as Zambia (owns 29%), Ethiopia (32%), Angola (39%), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (43%) and Djibouti (70%). Moreover, she many times finds itself unable to pay what it has, and in front of this situation it is expected that its dependency on Chinese policy is inevitable. While China has supported the initiative to suspend the official bilateral service service, it is still reluctant to join the Paris Club, a sovereign creditors forum that defines the general rules for debt management and restructuring them, so that it may remain immune to international censorship (31).

The problem of financial aid, which only 43% can be defined as development aid according to the standards of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), while the rest are commercial loans that have nothing to do with any development aid.The latter is behind it commercial and strategic motives, and often constitutes part of the Biggen huge project for the new silk road.Also, China does not fail to ensure payment of its loans often, so that its contracts include secret items through which guarantees obtain guarantees if a borrowed country is unable to pay its debts (32).

Besides, China is accused of undermining efforts to strengthen democracy and human rights, and contribute to environmental and social deterioration.In any case, Africans must ensure that some kind of balance in their relationships with the Chinese, so that they do not seem to have come out of ancient colonialism to fall into a new last.

China and the new stampede for Africa

In the period between 2010 and 2016, more than 320 embassies were opened in Africa, and that may have been the largest boom in embassy building anywhere at all, Turkey alone opened 26 embassies, and India announced that it will open 18 embassies, and that military relations also go deep;As China is now the largest arms seller for sub -Saharan Africa and has relations in the field of defense technology with 45 countries, and Russia has signed 19 military deals with African countries since 2014.

In 2018, China was the first trade partner of Africa and India second and America ranked third (while France was seventh). During the same period, Africa's trade doubled more than three times with Turkey and Indonesia, more than four times with Russia, and trade with the European Union grew by 41%. Companies from America, Britain and France are still the largest foreign direct investment sources in Africa, but Chinese companies, including state -owned companies, are trying to join the knees, and investors from India and Singapore are keen to join the conflict (33). After the Western powers gradually ignored Africa, after the end of colonialism in the 1960s for Britain, and after the Cold War (France) with the exception of security issues especially in the Sahel region, in addition to the United States that had no African policy commensurate with its discourse. China took advantage of that void, which coincided with its economy and its needs increased from raw materials. Gradually, its presence began to flourish throughout the continent, from a forum for cooperation through a new headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa as a gift, to the first naval military base abroad in Djibouti on the Indian Ocean, all of which are clear references to the existence of economic, geopolitical, and unannounced future aspirations.

It is expected that the opportunities that the continent can provide in the future and vital natural resources for the future of the basic humanity, especially in the technology sector (such as Cobalt and others), will constitute a global bet or what the "Economist" magazine called "a new stampede for Africa" (34).

Many forces are taking place behind many interests and partnerships on the continent;As the arrival of emerging forces such as China will give the African countries in the future a greater area of maneuvering in connection with the conditions imposed by the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, the Organization for Economic Cooperation, Development and the United Nations, which are mainly dominated by Western powers.It is clear that it has become a more appropriate alternative to the political, economic, commercial, social and cultural levels.

China now finds itself in strong competition with the previous colonial powers, but also with other emerging forces, such as India, Turkey, Brazil and others, but many Africans are wondering if their continent will one day be able to organize itself and take the initiative to benefit to the maximum extentFrom this competition, instead of being just a battlefield.

The first axis summary

The growing presence of China in Africa reflects its priorities in economic and political terms, and it is clear that it is first related to ensuring commercial excellence and economic development of China, and this development requires internally and externally to secure strategic raw materials. Secondly, the political continent is of small importance for the foreign policy agenda of China, it plays a greatly supportive role in its major strategy, and instead of looking at Africa as a "goal" or "priority", it is seen as a "tactic". Or part of the "basis" on which China's wider strategic aspirations are built.

Consequently, Africa was in no way goal in itself, but rather a means, among the basic means of China's economic prosperity and perpetuation and support of its political power both at the local and global levels.

China pursues an indirect and gradual action strategy, and its involvement in the African continent can be considered a "tactic" among other tactics, not only the purpose of responding to its direct and increasing economic needs, but also to pave the road with the aim of quickly reaching the summit of international politics, economically, political and influentialCommercially and strategically.

The Russian Federation is usually seen today as the heir of the Soviet Union.But the Soviet Union, the main party in the Cold War, was another matter.The Soviet Union, whether within its borders or its leadership of Warsaw, has controlled a huge geographic field, which is no longer in the hands of Russia, and its weight decreased a lot against the United States of America.

With the emergence of Vladimir Putin, Russia, especially after 2011, and the international changes it witnessed, specifically in Africa, is a key player who can determine the identity of the victor and the identity of the defeated in any conflict.It seems that everyone is facing a new version of the Cold War at the Western Tendency of the Russians in the corner of their actions.

In this context, we will address in this analytical paper the most prominent areas of Russian -African cooperation, and will Russia succeed in its orientation towards Africa?What did Africa benefit from Moscow?What is the position of Western countries on the growth of Russian influence in Africa?Understanding the growing connotations of Russian influence in the various regions of the African continent.

Russian -African cooperation

There are a number of factors that contributed to creating a greater space for Russia and facilitating its mission to return to Africa and expand the horizons of its cooperation with it, most notably:

Thanks to these factors, the Russian political in Africa has expanded significantly in recent years.

The Russian strategy towards Africa lies mainly primarily on military, political and economic cooperation with most of the African countries.The Western sanctions imposed on Russia after the inclusion of the Crimea in 2014 (2) is one of the most important factors that led to Moscow's goals directed towards Africa, according to what Russian President Vladimir Putin announced about achieving the "transformation" strategy towards Asia and Africa (3).

The African -Russian summit

As a result of the remarkable sleep in the Russian -Russian cooperation, which resulted in a Russian -African summit that was held in October 2019, its most important goals were the return of the Russian bear to its position as a super -political and military force that affects again in the African continent, after it lost this characteristic after the collapseThe Soviet Union, starting in 1992.

اعتمد القادة الروس والأفارقة خلال القمة بياناً يحتوي على أهداف متفق عليها بشكل متبادل، وأهداف لزيادة تطوير Russian -African cooperation على جميع الأصعدة السياسة، والأمنية، والاقتصادية، والعلوم والتكنولوجيا، والثقافية، والمجال الإنساني. والأهم من ذلك، أن الإعلان وضع إطارًا جديدًا للحوار؛ بحيث تعقد قمة بين الجانبين كل ثلاث سنوات، وتعقد مشاورات سياسية سنوية لوزراء الخارجية الروس والأفارقة، وقد بلغ عدد الاتفاقيات والمذكرات والعقود التي تم توقيعها أكثر من 50 وثيقة، وبلغ إجمالي الحجم المالي للوثائق حوالي 800 مليار روبل (نحو 12,5 مليار دولار)(4).

The convening of the Russian African Summit in 2019 is a new important turn towards the re -constellation of Russian relations with Africa, which is the event that is unprecedented at this high level between the two sides.

Below is an account of the most important Russian cooperative movements in various African regions:

First: the countries of the African Coast Group

The countries of the African Coast Group, Niger, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso and Chad, are a strategic geographical region, a region that is a land full of opportunities as it is a land full of challenges.Russia has begun to dominate the group's countries, taking advantage of the French role in the region.Where Russia has concluded military cooperation agreements with the group's countries, the last of which was with Mauritania on June 24, 2021 (5).

The Deputy Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation, Colonel Alexander Fumin and the head of the Mauritanian military establishment, signed Hanna Ould Sidi on the Military Cooperation Agreement between the two countries during the ninth Moscow conference for international security.Russia also signed similar military agreements with Mali in 2015 and Niger in 2017.

In the Republic of Chad, Russia is aspiring of its geopolitical expansion due to its enjoyment of important spheres of influence.(6).

Second: The Central African Republic

In early July 2021, the Russian Foreign Ministry announced that Russia has sent an additional 600 soldiers to its forces in the Central African Republic to train the army, the police and the National Guard.With the new additional batch, the number of Russian soldiers in Central Africa will rise to 1135 Russian soldiers (7).Moscow is competing for influence in the troubled African country with France, which in turn deploys about 300 soldiers there.

It is noteworthy that the mercenaries of the Russian security company "Wagner" are active in Central Africa to train the army there, guard the important figures, combat rebels and terrorist groups, protect gold facilities, diamonds and uranium in conflict areas.

Third, the Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is one of the most important geographical regions in the world, as it is characterized by a strategic location that overlooks important waterways, as well as having rich natural resources, and its proximity to the Bab al -Mandab controlled in the Red Sea, which made it the focus of attention of the world, especially the great powers.Russia is on a naval base in the port of Port Sudan, Sudan (8), a decisive stage in the Russian strategy in the Red Sea region and thus the Horn of Africa;Because it does not seek to strengthen its trade relations with Sudan, but also in the countries of the region, and to restore the strength of its naval fleet in the Red Sea.

In addition to growth in military transactions between Russia and the African century, Russia has deepened its defensive cooperation with Ethiopia on July 12, 2021, where agreements for military cooperation with Russia (9) were signed, the move that critics and politicians interpreted to have come in response to the military exercises that Egypt conducted withEuropean Union (10).

Fourth: East Africa region

The East Africa region is one of the most prominent regions on the whole continent, which takes a cautious approach in cooperation with Western countries in general and is the least cooperative, whether with Russia or with other great countries, compared to the blocs and other regions on the continent.

For example, Mikhail Bogndov, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister for African Affairs, visited Tanzania on May 15, 2021 (11), during which he held talks with Tanzanian Foreign Minister Mrs. Liberta Mamalula, where he pointed to Russia's support for Tanzania's efforts in particular and the African Union in general,To face the security challenges facing the Great Lakes region without the intervention of foreign parties.

The Russian official also presented Tanzania to help her in facing terrorist activities, especially in the southern regions of Tanzania, in the border with Mozambique, but the strange thing is that he contradicted his speech when he said that Russia supports security efforts by Africans without foreign interference, with his country's willingness to cooperate with Tanzania to enhance securityConsidering that Russia is not a foreign country!

As for the Tanzanian side, the Tanzanian Foreign Minister ignored the talk about the issue of Russian security support for Tanzania, and focused her talk towards strengthening trade, diplomatic and economic relations.

Africa's benefit from Moscow

Historically, the African continent continued to remember that Moscow stood beside the African liberation movements, and the late South African President Nelson Mandela conjured up in his famous statement in July 1991 during the first national conference of the African National Congress Party after lifting the ban on that organization when he said his speech to the Russians. Without your support, we will not be wherever we arrive now ”(12), as the Soviet Union has made fruitful cooperation with Africa in various fields. She provided decisive support for national liberation movements, especially those in the south of the continent. Two presidents of South Africa, after the apartheid, underwent Thabu Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, underwent military training in the Soviet Union. South Africa has always been eager to recall Africa's benefit from Russia, and the statement of South African President Cyril Ramafuza was on the results of the African -Russian summit where he said that the meeting exceeded exceeded. His expectations, the Russian -African Forum described a second wave of Russian support, but this time directed towards the economic growth of Africa (13).

The most prominent moments of the Russian African Sochi Summit in October 2019, which was attended by more than 40 heads of African state and government, and the presence of thousands of representatives of most of the economies in African countries, the announcement of the announcement of the exemption of Russian debt owed to African countries, which is estimated at $ 20 billion (14) It is a clear indication of the importance that Moscow attaches to cooperation with Africa.

On the other hand, Russia's official policy is based on supporting African solutions to Africa's problems (15) by enhancing the peacekeeping capabilities of the African Union structures, meaning that these structures are the authorized and responsible party primarily for addressing African/African conflicts, and this meansTheoretically- that the Russian position is in the field of respecting the sovereignty of African countries and not interfering in internal affairs.

On the other hand, the Russian company Rostom provides science, technology, engineering and mathematics education programs, including scientific competitions for high school students and colleges, and also provides scholarships for African drums to study in the Russian Federation (16). These educational opportunities can be important for promising African students whoThey lack the financial resources to study in Europe or the United States.But given the reports that indicated violence against Africans in Russia, it is unlikely that these education programs will contribute to improving the image of Russia on the African continent (17).

Generally, Russia is working to graduate a number of African officials from its educational institutions in order to support its policy, and choose the high leadership in the targeted countries, which then helps in reaching access to opportunities to explore natural resources, and this approach prevails in the Central African Republic and Sudan, for example,All of these interconnected efforts have proven effective.

Given the importance of the energy file in Africa, many state -owned Russian companies are active in the African continent, such as Gazprom, Lukoil, Rostec, and Rosatom, and its activities are highly concentrated in Algeria, Angola, Egypt, Nigeria and Uganda. Rosatom has signed notes and agreements to develop nuclear energy with 18 African countries, including Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Zambia, Rwanda, Nigeria and Ethiopia in 2018 alone, and Rosatom agreed to build four nuclear reactors in Rosa Tom AR (VVER) with a power of 1200 Megoat in Egypt, the value of its construction and maintenance is 60 billion dollars, and Russia has contributed to the implementation of the project with a loan of 25 billion dollars with an annual interest of 3%(18).

The indications of the growing Russian influence on the African continent

There is no doubt that there are indications and indicators indicating the extent of the expansion of Russian influence in Africa rapidly, and this is clearly evident in many prominent events that occurred in a number of African countries, most notably:

Russia has achieved historical victories over France in Libya and the African coast region in the Central African Republic, and it appears that the role is coming in both Mali and Chad. Where France previously announced in early June 2120 the suspension of its joint military operations in Mali (19), although it indicated the resumption of military operations after a military coup in the country is the second in less than the year (20), but France is unlikely to succeed in The current situation in Mali under the leadership of Hashemi Ghweita, the head of the transitional government rejecting the French hegemony in his country, in addition to popular demands for Central Africa to take an example that is worthy of it, because of the security successes achieved by the Russians in the Central African Republic, and this was evident when supporters came down to the army's movements To the streets of Bamako to celebrate, some of the celebrities were raising Russian flags and praising Russian financial cooperation, pictures of Vladimir Putin, and messages thanking Russia for its support (21).

Russia has strong and strong political relations with African countries, and this is reflected in the extent of Russian penetration on the continent, as these relations enabled Moscow to assume Russian officials sensitive positions in a number of African countries. For example, in May 2018, the President of the Central African Republic was appointed,Russian Valery Zakharov as a national security adviser in his country (22), and in 2019 Russia signed a bilateral agreement with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where this agreement facilitated the mandate of Russian military advisers in the Congolese Armed Forces (23).

Among the other connotations that clearly emerge, the growing Russian influence, that, since 2010, Russia has become the Head of Military Technology of African Countries, but later became the largest arms resource for the entire African continent (24), transcending to the United States of America.The largest percentage of Russian arms sales to Algeria (58.64%) and Egypt (25.96%), Uganda (5.17%), Sudan (2.63%) and Angola (2.11%).

The secret behind the African market for Russian weapons sales is that it is not burdened with the conditions for adhering to human rights laws, nor adherence to political reforms, partisan pluralism, and the commitment of human rights rulers.Statistics indicate that the four largest arms suppliers for Africa in 2017 Russia ranked first with 37.6 %, followed by the United States 16.3 %, France 14.6 %, then China 9.2 % (25).

It is clear that Russia is fully aware of the extent of the influence that the large flows of Syrian refugees on European policy, and therefore, it works to have influence on the main joints of the continent such as Libya and Morocco, which are a crossing for refugees from Africa, which will provide Russia more influenceOn Europe.Consequently, Russia has the ability to raise humanitarian and political crises for Europe while challenging the historical areas of European influence, and France in particular in Africa.

An example of the success of Russian influence in Africa is what happened in Sudan;It seems that Russia has maintained its influence with the military leaders who eventually overthrew President Omar al -Bashir, including maintaining agreements related to the mining sector that were negotiated under the Bashir regime.The presence of a Russian military base in Sudan is an important development that indicates the success of Moscow after four decades of absence from the port of Port Sudan to return to the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

Russia has achieved successes at the military and security levels in Africa by assuming the first position as a great power that possesses a lot of game threads in central and southern Libya, where it became on the outskirts of the French influence areas in Chad and Niger, as well as Moscow's establishment of security and stability in the Central African Republic and providing security and political support The regime of President Vosttin Turaeira. This was followed by the development of the political and security situation in the Republic of Mali, and the military coup that rocked the French presence in this West African country, after which voices came out of the financial people calling for the Russians to attend their country to restore security in it instead of France, which showed a failure to achieve security in this country Many years ago, the African Union praised Russia's effective role in achieving stability in Africa and its keenness to cooperate in security issues (26).

All these events indicate Russia's success in extending its influence in the African continent, in addition to several other strategic factors with Moscow that enables it to win the African countries in its favor, including:-

Russia in the African continent is pursuing the policy of trade and investment without imposing conditions or restrictions compared to those that it sets, for example, Western countries and China;As America and the European Union are always linked to their support with conditions such as compliance with the rulers of human rights, freedom of expression, etc., while China has constantly dumping African countries with unfair debts so that it can acquire its commercial institutions, which gives the Russians an advantage in the commercial movement in the African continent.

And when it comes to voting in international institutions and in the United Nations, where African countries are calculated for nearly a quarter of the votes of the General Assembly, most of which vote for Russia in the United Nations, and this has appeared in supporting most of the African continent and voting at the United Nations in favor of Russia, especially in the matter of the file Syria (27). Africa also stood alongside Moscow regarding the decision issued in December 2018, which condemns Russia's militarization of the Crimea, the Black Sea and the Azov Sea (28). Russia has worked hard to cultivate regimes in Africa as potential allies in obstructing Western efforts against its interests through United Nations organizations and agencies.

Russia views Africa as a means through which the West's hegemony can weaken, find partners for its goals and interests, and find economic opportunities for Russian companies, especially after the closure of the doors of Western markets against Moscow due to the sanctions imposed on them due to the inclusion of the island of almost Crimea.

Western countries and the growing Russian influence in Africa

What is currently taking place on African lands between Western powers and Moscow is similar to the restoration of the Cold War, but rather that the coming period will become a conflict between the great powers in Africa.When other countries seek to restore their influence like Russia, which is precisely equivalent to what is called the new cold war.

Russia's influence in Africa has expanded, a fact that many find worrying. Washington maintains 34 military rulers in Africa (29) and runs several hundreds of billions of dollars on the continent, while the size of China's trade with Africa reached 170 billion US dollars (30)And this forced Russia to search for the African market sectors that have not already been occupied.

It started during the first decade of the twenty -first century, the emergence of a new conflict for the request of the affection of the African continent and the exploitation of its abundant and rich natural resources. In addition to the European powers, there are the United States of America, and China whose influence has become increasingly growing, in addition to Turkey and Israel, and by 2014, joinedThe Russian bear also to ride the competitors on the brown continent.

These accelerated developments in the growth of Russian influence in Africa also led to the creation of anxiety in both the European Union and the United States, and therefore politics in the United States often stresses the need to confront Russian influence on the continent, and Western countries accuse Moscow of using corrupt and confidential means to try to influenceSovereignty countries, including their security and economic partnerships, must consider Western countries Russia, such as China, two countries that represent a major challenge for the West in Africa (31).

Although Russia is heading towards African countries at a steady pace, the tangible impact of it, if we exclude the military and security field, in some areas may be in doubt, although it is ready to play a more important role in Africa, its declining economy and its abilityFinancial Limited represents an obstacle to it;As it is clear that it lacks the financial strength to repeat the success of the Soviet Union.

Western countries are well aware that one of the prominent things that distort the image of the Russians in Africa is the Russian support for the tyrannical presidents in Africa and their support in the presidential elections;As Russia's policy gives priority to Russian interests in the country and for presidential stability, regardless of human rights files, political reform and democratic pluralism, Russia is absolutely not interested in these aspects. Rather, it may rest more with arranged governments and African regimes whose constitutions do not respect (32).This Russian policy gives a good image of Russia among the African peoples who wish to achieve democracy in its countries.

The current Russian strategy based on providing loans and investment contracts without the conditions related to democratic foundations and human rights may be feasible and successful in the short term, because this policy is compatible with the desires of most governments and parties ruling in Africa. As for the long term, the possibility of Moscow's failure to its strategy appears to be largely possible. Once the American interest in the continent returns and assign Western media force to reveal the methods of Russian exploitation, it may be enough to overthrow the Russian plan in Africa, and the high awareness and awareness rate of the educated African youth generation, threatens to come Popular campaigns to demand popular, democratic rights, and this is something that does not exclude its occurrence, so what is built on falsehood is definitely invalid

Russian -African cooperation fate

Based on the foregoing, the areas of Russian -African cooperation may go in the following directions:

Military cooperation

وهو الجانب الأبرز الذي يتفوق فيه الجانب الروسي على نظرائه من القوى العظمى المنافسة في القارة الأفريقية ويتضح ذلك من خلال ابرام اتفاقيات Military cooperation مع معظم الدول الأفريقية. كما يشكل Military cooperation مع روسيا أحد أبرز العوامل التي بإمكانها أن ترجح كفة الروس في أي نزاع أو صراع في المنطقة، وهو ما يكرس الوجود الروسي في القارة ويعطيه معنى أعمق، ويظهر ذلك سواء في القوات الموجودة على الأرض أو في التعاملات في المجالات العسكرية مع دول القارة.

Diplomatic cooperation

Africa is of a strategic importance to Russia in terms of geopolitical support provided by the African countries that constitute the largest geographical vote bloc within many global diplomatic, security and economic institutions, in particular the United Nations Security Council.Consequently, African support is attractive and attractive to Russia on its way to emphasize its importance and its domination of the world.There is no doubt that Russia, by virtue of its European and Middle East policy, is coming to many diplomatic battles, the United Nations will be its stage, and the voices of the African continent will have a major role in those battles.

Cultural cooperation

In this regard, the Russian cultural centers of science and culture are clearly emerged in a number of African countries such as Ethiopia, Tanzania, Congo and Zambia, and Russia provides grants, training and vocational crafts for African students in the African Russian educational institutes, and in recent years scholarships have been provided by the Russian government to 4,000 thousandAn African student of 15,000 African youths studying in Russia.In light of the fundamental status of science in drawing countries ’policies, the Russian bet in this field will be a focal point in Moscow's relations with the African continent.

Economic cooperation

The volume of trade exchange between Russia and the continent of Africa is $ 20 billion, which is a very small number compared to the size of the exchange with its counterparts.There is another and more important obstacle to developing mutual economic relations, which is the lack of objective information about Russia in Africa and around Africa in Russia, and we can only realize the capabilities of relations when the two parties abandon the stereotypes imposed from abroad and develop mutual cooperation that is based on reality.

In general, Russia is pursuing a strategy that involves its public policies that show its appropriate image to win the friendship of Africans, such as announcing its support for African solutions to conflicts within the continent, and its strategy to penetrate into the African continent for mutual benefit. As for the irregular policy that can be described as “mercenary diplomacy”, it is represented in the Wagner Brigades and other military groups, in addition to spreading the technology of misleading information where the ruling parties are often the direct beneficiary of Russian misinformation campaigns, especially in the elections, and arms sales in exchange for the extraction of natural resources . The Russian strategy can be summarized as not considering stability in Africa as a priority for her, as much as she is looking for its interests.

The escalation of international competition in Africa pushes the countries to conflict and collision, especially with the growing role of China and Russia, which may be unwanted by France in particular, the European Union and America in general, which warns of the rise in arms exports in the coming years.

The map of the weapon in Africa is a complex map in which many international, regional and local levels overlap, and it is driven by economic, societal and political factors, so eating one part of the levels or factors violates the realistic image and does not explore its depths. So when we talk about the weapon map we must evoke three maps and put them next to each other until we reach a deep understanding and realize the behavior of influential parties on the map. The first map is the map of raw and natural resources and wealth, and the second is the demographic map on which the composition of societies and the distribution of tribes and ethnic groups appear, while the third map is in the political borders that colonial countries worked to draw according to their economic and political interests.

Through these maps, we can understand the nature of the conflicts that existing in Africa in general, and between different countries and regions, the colonial countries are still practicing high influence able to drop systems and raise problems within each country by employing intersections between those maps and managing differences between countries and different societal components of In order to achieve its goals of stealing resources and natural resources, which is only achieved by the presence of corrupt dictatorial systems that lack legitimacy and always need international recognition, which leads them to document relations with colonial countries by giving up natural wealth and mortgaging the political decision for them, and some colonial countries set military bases for them at points A strategy in Africa with the aim of achieving its geopolitical interests.

The colonial countries and the major countries are working to export weapons to African countries in a competitive process to extend influence; Where it benefits from the financial return from selling weapons, operating its factories and experimenting with the new weapons they produce, in addition to the gains of private and security companies, and various armed groups, whether rebels and mercenaries. The colonial countries are keen on continuing chaos and fighting so that they can exercise their influence by adopting purely security policies. Although many crises whose results were reflected on the European Union and the West, such as the issue of immigration, a number of union countries such as France are still following this policy, and France with Russia, America and China leads arms exports to Africa, and each country differs in the nature of its policies that follow it; Where some countries, such as France, tend to follow security policies, while China tends to follow economic policies.

A look about the size of the arms trade in Africa

First: The volume of military spending escalated

The volume of military spending in Africa is estimated at 43.2 billion dollars in 2020, an increase of 5.1 percent over 2019 and 11 percent higher than 2011. North African countries witnessed a rise in military spending by 6.4 percent in 2020 to 24.7 billion dollars..Despite the economic crises resulting from the spread of the Corona virus, Africa ranked first in terms of the high rate of military spending in 2020, reaching 5.1 percent, while Europe came again by 4 percent, and the Americas by 3.9 percent, Asia and Oceania by 2.5 percent (1 (1).

There are several levels of conflicts within Africa: the first level that we can define is that it is the level that witnesses tensions and conflicts between countries, and it revolves around border disputes as is the case between Algeria and Morocco; where the file of Western Sahara and the Polisario Front is one of the thorny files between the two countries, and it has reachedMilitary spending in Algeria is about 9.7 billion dollars in 2020, which is 3.4 percent less than in 2019, but it remained to the extent of the largest largest in Africa, while in Morocco the volume of military spending in 2020 amounted to about $ 4.8 billion.An increase of 29 percent over 2019 and 54 percent over 2011.

While differences also escalate the use of resources, as is the case in the Renaissance Dam crisis between Egypt and Sudan on the one hand and Ethiopia on the other hand, which causes the region's countries to compete to buy weapons. Despite the lack of transparency regarding the defense budget in Egypt, the size of the final spending on the defense was estimated at about 66 billion Egyptian pounds, equivalent to $ 4.1 billion in 2020, an increase of 18 percent from 2019, in which the spending rate reached 59 billion Egyptian pounds, or 3.35 Billion dollars in 2019 and $ 2.9 billion in 2018, which are separate numbers for external military financing allocations that Egypt receives from the Camp David agreement of $ 1.3 billion, meaning that the total defensive spending reached 5.4 billion dollars (2). On the other hand, Ethiopia raised its military spending from $ 287 million before 2013 to $ 519 million in 2019 (3), despite the economic, societal and political challenges that the two countries are going through.

As for the second level of conflicts, it is the irregular wars or unequal wars that are between the regular armies against armed groups, whether rebels within the state or cross -border organizations, and the sub -Saharan Africa in terms of military spending leads this level;Where the volume of military spending reached $ 18.5 billion in 2020, which is 3.4 percent higher than it was in 2019, and is 13 percent less than it was in 2011. While Nigeria allocated $ 2.6 billion to its army in 2020, an increase of 29 percent compared to a year2019 in order to face Boko Haram and other rebel groups.

Second: Military Exports

Russia is ranked first in the world to export weapons to Africa; Where the volume of arms exports reached more than $ 15 billion in 2019, which is more than weakness compared to 2000, when exports amounted to 7 billion dollars. While France is ranked second by about 8 billion dollars in 2019, an increase that also reaches a near weakness compared to its exports in 2000, which was about 4 billion dollars. America comes third at a semi -fixed pace with sales of up to 4 and 5 billion dollars annually, followed by China with an average of one billion dollars, and "Israel" is not absent from the scene, as "Israeli" arms exports formed 3 percent of the global total between 2016 and 2020, which represents an increase of its amount. 77 percent of what it was between 2010 and 2014 (4), and a large part of these exports was directed to African countries, as defense exports increased to 70 percent between 2015 and 2016 to reach 275 million dollars (5).

Private military and security companies: their type, role and intertwining

Initially we must differentiate between two types of companies; The first type: a private security company (PSC), and the second type: a private military company (PMC). The difference between the two types is the nature of tasks and disciplines. The first type is private security companies that provide services such as protecting embassy headquarters, infrastructure and ports, and also extends to the protection of mines and the headquarters of foreign companies and their workers, and also provides special services such as protecting foreigners. As for the second type of companies, it is the private military companies, whose use is highlighted in political affairs, as it provides protection for officials in African countries and provides military consultations and works to train local forces, whether the army or police teams, and also provide special services such as collecting intelligence information, and sometimes Participate in combat missions. In general, private military companies can provide private security companies services and cannot happen.

The major countries are concerned with supporting these companies, either directly or indirectly through their relations with the security and intelligence services and the ministries of defense.This interest is due to the low volume of financial and political cost;On the one hand, it possesses high flexibility with advanced military and security capabilities, and on the other hand, it does not formally represent the state, allowing the state diplomatic and political flexibility .. In addition to this, the leaders of African countries seek to sign contracts with companies to provide personal security for them or to confront the rebels.

Each geographical region in Africa is characterized by specific characteristics in terms of the nature and terrain of political and economic societies and systems, which makes companies in front of multiple options in order to provide their services. For example, North Africa is characterized by somewhat political stability, with the exception of Libya, we can find private security companiesIt is the most prevalent, while West Africa has problems related to navigation security and maritime trade, which represents an opportunity for some companies to work in the Niger Delta and the Gulf of Guinea, as well as in the coasts of East Africa, especially the coast of Somalia, where piracy operations are spread.

In the countries of Clubia, southern Sudan, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Chad, Niger and Mali, whose governments suffer from weakness and deficit in front of rebellion movements and armed groups, the military companies spread with high intensity, which makes security and protection a high -cost requirement that private security companies alone cannot achieve. These companies have strong relations with the military bases of the colonial countries that may exceed the coordination space to the implementation of operations together, for example, the Russian Wagner forces deployed in many countries that witness fighting and confrontations between governments, rebels and revolutionaries or armed groups such as Libya, Mozambique and Central Africa. After the retired Libyan military meeting, Khalifa Haftar, in 2018, with leaders of the Russian army, the presence of Wagner's forces on the ground began remarkably and documented during the siege of the Libyan capital, Tripoli, in April 2019, as well as securing them for oil facilities and oil and gas fields (6). This example is a sample of how private military companies are used by countries in implementing their strategic policies at a less financial and political cost; As Russia sees that Libya represents a strategic position for it in order to reach the heart of Africa easily and control the oil and gas fields, which considers Libya one of their major exporters to Europe, which will enable Russia to exert pressure on the European market, where Germany relies heavily on Russian gas, and will enable Russia from Strong pressure cards in the market guidance; This is nothing but an example that can clarify intersections between the geopolitical interests of countries and private military companies.

We can also find security and military companies, especially in South Africa, working to provide security within the country itself in isolation from the state security and military services, and even extend their activities to other countries, for example Executive Outcomes, a private military company in South Africa, imposed The Sierra Leone government has 35 million dollars for 21 months, while the presence of the United Nations peacekeepers for eight months would cost $ 47 million (7). Therefore, we are not surprised that we see some countries and governments go to deal with private and security companies away from international umbrellas that depend on complicated political and economic accounts, so resorting to private military and security companies has become preferred in both ways, field and financial; It is not imposed on it and has high powers in the use of violence, which makes it preferred for dictatorial, military and coup regimes.

A BBC report revealed important information from a tablet device lost by a Wagner element in Libya during the battles in which he was participating with Major General Khalifa Haftar, west of Libya during the siege of the city of Tripoli against the internationally recognized government of Al -Wefaq; Where the information that the device had revealed accurate and documented details about the company, especially with regard to the nature of its operations that do not adhere to any ethical criteria. Perhaps what the Libyan Parliament member, Rabie Bou Ras said: “They are not only competing for Libya, but also for international decision -making in Africa and the world,” an accurate description of the nature of the role that the company plays in achieving Russia's goals (8). Not only is Wagner, but there is a long list of American, French, British, Chinese and Swiss companies that have a bad reputation.

The growth of investments in unsafe areas

The high investments of countries in unsafe areas pushes countries to rely on private military and security companies, so that countries can secure and protect their investments, and we mean here specifically China and France; For example, medium and high risks to China's investments in countries that intersect the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) 84%(9). China carried out about 16 evacuation of non -fighters, in the Central African Republic, Chad, Libya and Yemen. Perhaps what happened in 2011 during the events of the Libyan revolution is the best example, as the Chinese government rented three tourist ships and 100 buses from Greece to save its citizens (10), which number 13500 people, and the growing Chinese relations with African countries pushes Beijing to contract with security to protect its investments and citizens And diplomats, most of these transactions will go to the Chinese -owned Chinese companies (Soes); There are more than 10,000 Chinese companies operating in Africa and nearly a million Chinese citizens working there. Chinese -owned Chinese companies have achieved approximately $ 51 billion in belt and road projects, according to the Chinese National Statistics Office. As of 2020, China was more responsible for building projects in Africa than France, Italy and the United States combined. China has about 4000 security companies registered with an estimated 4.3 million employees, most of them army and police officers (11), which will push them to exploit these capabilities in Africa later.

Investing in security alone is not enough

European countries seek to find security solutions to stop illegal immigration, and the G5 coast forces model is one of these models; Where Europe seeks to control border security between countries by enhancing coordination between the armies of countries in order to monitor the borders, confront the rebels and armed groups, and stop smuggling and illegal immigration. However, despite the size of the huge investments in the security sector in the coast countries, they are on the way to failure. For example, Mali witnessed a coup last May, after which the army arrested the president, Baha Nadao, the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense and announced the formation of a military council, and the situation in Mali remains greatly tense, which prompted France to withdraw from Northern Mali, the closure of three military bases in the cities of Kidal, Tambuktu, and Tisali, northern Mali, and reducing the number of its forces from 5 thousand and 100 elements to about 2500 elements, as part of a plan that is implemented during the period between the second half from 2021 to the beginning of 2022#A12; This warns of its withdrawal, as happened with the American forces recently in Afghanistan (13); As the cost of remaining is higher than the value of the goals it achieves from its direct presence, in addition to the growing operations of targeting the French forces by the rebel groups, especially with the government's strength to impose actual control on the ground.

Relations between local mercenaries and private military and security companies

There is another dimension in the arms map in Africa, which is the growing relations between private military and security companies and local mercenaries; Where they can be employed through private companies at lower prices, and the role of private companies here is limited to supervision and guidance, while local mercenaries are involved in confrontations and the implementation of tasks that often depend on the recruitment of kidnapped children or those under the age of 18, the danger here in this relationship is The development of local mercenaries and their move to carrying out tasks outside the borders of their countries and tribes, which makes it difficult to estimate the risks of companies and mercenaries alike, and it is difficult to limit their presence and even the nature of their business, and besides that it acquires high technical experiences, which makes several governments unable to confront them. For example, Sudanese and Chadian armed groups are fighting in Libya alongside Khalifa Haftar, such as the Sudan Liberation Army, the Justice and Equality Movement, and the Janjaweed militia (rapid intervention forces) led by Hamidati, and these forces can also play roles outside Africa as they are The situation in Yemen, where the Janjaweed militias participate in the fighting there, as the engine worker here is the money in the first place.

Some countries provide a political cover for many mercenaries and rebels.For example, Israel opened an office in Tel Aviv, in 2008, for the leader of the Sudan Liberation Army, Abdel Wahid Nour, spent a monthly salary, opens the public sphere for him and supports him in building relations with Europe, which gives him international cover (14).

The definition of some concepts is a controversy, as many concepts and definitions overlap, and we find groups called extremist, terrorist, rebel or mercenaries, without a fixed reference that can be unanimous. We can stand here at an important point that may contribute to clarifying the image, even a little, which is the point of the political project. We can monitor transformations for many of these groups, whether out of money, out of politics, or out of implementing their ideas. On the other hand, we find the colonial countries seeking to impose their concepts in order to use them as an umbrella for their survival. But what is unavoidable is that the colonial countries are the ones who have practiced terrorism first since they entered Africa bloody and racist.

Summary of the third axis

The escalation of international competition in Africa pushes the countries to conflict and collision, especially with the growing role of China and Russia, which may be not welcome by France in particular and the European Union and America in general, which threatens to rise in arms exports in the coming years, and it is likely that international statistics are About the arms trade between manufactured countries and African countries is inaccurate, and it is likely to be greater than what is announced; The colonial countries are working to make a conflict environment in order to invest in achieving their interests and dominance, and the high financial and political cost of military bases prompted them to review their policies and withdraw officially in exchange for developing soft policies that guarantee their interests, so the use of another alternative path emerged from the military bases, which is to enhance the role of military and security companies And the use of local mercenaries and their supplies with weapons, which reduces the financial and political cost, and France may be an appropriate example as it had about 100 military rulers in Africa in 1960, but now the number of rules has decreased to five, but this withdrawal was not permanent So that France adopted a new approach to dominating the political decision of its former African colonies, in which it was keen to change the culture of societies and replace the ideas and values of the West, and it is the values that contradict the local culture and push for the division of peoples and the return of external interference with a new cover and the security and military companies agency.

This paper tries to analyze energy policies in the light of national, regional and internationally successive changes by identifying actors in the energy field in Africa and by identifying the most important challenges facing this sector as well as touching on the opportunities available to Africa for energy liberation.

It was and the Africa is still a track to compete with the major powers for its multiple interests with its vast attachment;It has remained a global bridge and a strategic corridor, and the international demands on it are constant of the geopolitical, and the energy is currently on the list of foreign ambitions, leaving its impact on the motives, parties, then dimensions.

The energy field expresses the peak intertwining of international interests and the search for influence and domination between international and regional players;It is also evident in intervention in internal affairs and sometimes by advocating an ally, in the level of exchange volume, canceling debt, or igniting wars if necessary and using all pressure leaves.

The issue of energy is intersecting with politics, economics, sociology, security, development, education, industry, etc., and its limbs are multiplied between home and abroad;What makes it in the midst of the contemporary international system, and fossil fuels are a fundamental definition of international interactions and a title for global strategic thinking.

Although the African political units are young, starting from the era of their independence, they were not late in joining the global energy market, and African countries vary greatly in their relationship to energy importance, supply, production, export and manufacturing.

Fuel secures the lavish -realistic political partners impose on their vital interests, or the adoption of balance policy based on the basis of diversification of partnerships equal to that center and parties, and the importance of energy sources varies according to the main goals that energy policy seeks (1).

The legal framework of natural resources is an expression of the people's sovereignty over its property, and the UN organization has paid attention through the meetings of the General Assembly since the 1960s to the necessity of establishing sovereignty over natural resources and wealth, and complementing international policies such as sustainable development goals 2030 and Africa's agenda 2063 national legislation;However, the bon is vast between the principle of sovereignty and its contemporary applications.

We ask here about the energy actors in Africa, and the most important challenges facing the sector, and the opportunities available to Africa for energy liberation.

In this paper, we will try to analyze energy policies in the light of the national, regional and international successive changes, starting from the following axes:

First: The African Energy Sector

African societies have known the exploitation of natural resources since ancient times, and the disclosure and exploration of oil and gas fields began during colonial days, and the interest in energy with independence has increased, but it is noted that the major oil -producing countries did not know stability in their first decades such as Nigeria and Angola, for example.

The complex international changes after the end of the Cold War led to the drawing of the global geopolitical map and the emergence of the African continent again on the international stage because of its richness and minerals, and in response to echoing international cooperation or competition and then searching for new opportunities and allies.

The major companies in the oil sector control their huge capabilities in exchange for the weakness of African countries financially and scientifically, while national companies play a limited and secondary role, and depends on almost total dependence on foreign companies, for example, we mention, for example: the Nigerian National Petroleum Company and the Swissad/Sonangol Angolan, And the Algerian Sonatrach and the National Oil Company in South Africa (PetroSa), but the latter is a continental exception, and the contracts of oil companies with African countries sometimes extend to more than twenty years, and there are several types of petroleum contracts (2), and the sector is a generation of profits, wealth, and then It is not surprising that global oil giants control international policies.

Players in the field from international institutions such as the International Bank to multinational companies (European-American) and Asian are multiple to countries from different continents.The West Africa region occupies a special vital importance;Where it controls investing in this region, large American companies, such as: Mobil Exxon, and Idada are HESS Amerada, TEXACO CHEVRON, and Oil Maratho (3).

The African Atlantic Foundation for Energy Policy, specifically with the United States of America and Western European countries, opens wide horizons, and the United States is concentrated in Luanda and Equatorial Givea Gulf and witnesses a state of expansion of Nouakchott through its embassy project and military base in light of the geopolitical calculations linked to securing the Atlantic Ocean and energy supplies and dedicating its presence before its competitorsThen penetrate the French colonies.

Eastern beaches are an advantage of the Asian forces in general, and the powerful of them in particular (Beijing, New Delhi, Tokyo, Tehran, Ankara), and the presence of the Chinese and Japanese base in Djibouti is only evidence of the strategic importance that this region enjoys in Asia's growing strategy in Africa.

Giant companies provide export goods for the international market, which enhances their presence and impact on foreign policies, and the reason for the multiplicity of foreign companies in Africa is due to the continued extraction of energy and diversification from partners and relieving dependence on a mono partner, and finally the openness of the world and the intensity of competition for primary resources.

African countries are organized in international and regional oil blocs:

The Africa Association Productions Petroleum, and includes Arab and African countries producing black gold, and aims to develop the sector and meet the need of their people of energy.

The African countries that join OPEC reach seven countries, and the organization has been established with the aim of recovering control from multinational companies, which made oil a strategic weapon against its opponents since 1973.

African consumption of energy does not exceed 4% globally, and wood occupies the first source of energy and mainly in the countryside, and this percentage explains the size of the continent's contribution to global trade, the energy is the title of the era and the progressThe Democratic Republic of the Congo (4), and Algeria, Egypt and South Africa are the largest African -consuming oil countries, combating 54% of the continent's oil consumption (5).

Second: Energy sources

Fossil fuels, such as charcoal, oil, gas, and uranium, are still the highest percentage of energy sources, revenue and export, and Africa's geography is distributed natural resources and wealth that places it in the internationally advanced ranks, and alternative energy sources such as the sun, wind, and water are multiple.

One of the features of African oil is proximity, quality and lack of costs, and the precautions of the oil continent are about 10% globally, and the Dangot refinery, the Nigerian businessman, is a pioneer in the hydrochemical industries, which reduces, even relatively, from relying on foreign companies for Aboga and helps to exploit the materials extracted from oil and increase the local productTotal.

The giant industries consume the majority of global energy through the tripartite axis, and the world's most oil -consuming areas are the Asia region, or 30%, followed by North America by 27.4%, then the continent of Europe 24.3% (6), and it is a proportion to rise due to the use of modern technology.

The weak economies benefit from the low oil price against the damage of the major oil countries from international price fluctuations, which may negatively affect the gross domestic product.

African gas reserves are about 13-15% globally (7), and global demand for natural gas is expected to increase in the coming decades, and the Middle East leads the global gas market, but continental discoveries are promising.

European Nigerian gas may help reduce dependence on the Russians and destroy the dominance of Moscow on Brussels through a project to extend the transit gas pipeline to the desert;What makes Africa the continent of competition and balance.Mozambique has known in recent years massive discoveries of oil, natural gas and coal, the three sources of fuel that builds the modern economy together (8), and the neighboring countries are provided with gas.

The coastal strip and the beaches of the Atlantic Ocean are available on large oil and gas reserves long and extension on the Dakar-Darfur and Rabat-Angola axes, discoveries in Darfur, 2005, and on the Senegalese-Mauritanian maritime coast witnessed this.

It is known that there are four important players in the geo -strategy that seeks to influence the flow of oil and cave, especially in the field of consumption, namely the United States of America, Russia, China and the European Union as the largest consumer in the world, and it is clear that the United States and China are the most important players in it (9).

Beijing will remain accredited in its energy needs on African resources by virtue of its growing economy, and the search for new partners, and China has crowded many Western countries, so its commercial exports, for example, strengthened Gabon and Angola, then the pace of the speed that Beijing is going with with African capitals since the beginning of the millennium is evidence of what he hidesThe future of this Asian state is a growing sleep, as we see this with Abuja and Libeville.

However, despite its success in recent years in creating important breakthroughs on the continent, the comparison with its competitors reveals the existence of a degree of exaggeration in amplifying the Russian role there (10), and the Moscow plan may be the search for partners in the field of gas by virtue of its high production and accumulated experience and put its hand onThe African invasive market in the future.

The giant French company (Total) is active in Africa, and it acquires a large part of energy investments outside its traditional spheres of influence, alone or allied with global oil industries, and that its role against Washington and Beijing declined.

Uranium is one of the strategic materials, and among the most productive countries of Niger, Namibia, South Africa and Malawi, and is acquired by foreign companies;The most famous of which is the French company Arva in Niger, and other Canadian, Australian and Chinese companies compete.

Since its return to the African regularity, 1994, Pretoria is one of the nuclear developed countries on the continent and a regional and international basic partner, and besides the Republic of South Africa, Egypt and Nigeria announced, in 2006, to take steps regarding the establishment of the first nuclear station in each of them,In 2007, Namibia announced its interest in researching the long -term nuclear energy option (11).

While Luanda imposed herself as an actor in African issues after her exit from the devastating civil war, and she was able to build a rentier economy based on raw materials and perform a regional, military and financial regional role, and today it is classified among the three largest economies in the region;It is: Nigeria, South Africa and Angola (12), and it is similar to Malabu (the capital of Equatorial Guinea) in its benefit from its wealth, unlike Liberville and Aboga.

In addition to fossil fuels, alternative energy is like solar energy, and the Moroccan experience is one of the most successful African experiences, and the possibility of obtaining energy from the Congo basin remains enormous, and the fact is that the electricity generated by water alone, if developed, may reach nearly the global total sixth(13).

Third: Africa's need for energy

About half of the population of sub -Saharan Africa does not currently get electricity, and those who get it pay on average about twice as much as consumers pay in other places of the world (14).

Continental policies are still unable to provide electricity to its citizens, as well as the secondary needs associated with fuel. The African Development Bank, 2016, launched a new initiative aimed at lighting Africa and providing it with energy, and comprehensive access to the continent in the horizon of 2025 (15).

The current African government contributions to investments in the energy sector are about 0.3 percent of the gross domestic product only (16), and only 2-3% of the annual GDP will be clogged.

The policy of energy bonding will increase in the future, as it has become a continental concern;Either because of the interest of the African countries themselves or because of the interests of the great players, such as linking the north and south of the Mediterranean through alternative energy projects, and the continent's location facilitates openness and communication with various regions of the world through the harassment, seas and oceans.

There are projects under implementation at the level of the sub -regions as well as in the western continent with the (Wagp) project, and in the east, where the 1,800 km pipelines will link the rich natural gas reserves in Tanzania and the advanced steel industry in Uganda, and enhances economic growth through manufacturing.The project is expected to start its operations in 2026 (17).

These lines (gas, oil, electricity) will contribute to the two minimums, the average and the long, to the sharing of wealth between its children in addition to increasing cooperation, relative independence and the integration of the African economy by activating the continental free trade agreement, and there is no doubt that energy saving will enable Africa to accelerate the pace of the paceEconomy, transportation, management and contemporary life facilities in general.

Fourth: Challenges

Energy extraction and employment requires astronomical numbers of billions of dollars that are not available to many countries due to the economic deficit, and some political and economic factors such as the delay in the independence of African countries and the colonial legacy of the post -independence, internal conflicts and external debt accumulated a negative and obstacle to foreign investments (18).

Investment in oil includes several areas such as excavation, discovery, refining, development, production and marketing, and depends mainly on foreign capital, and there are initiatives towards continental investment.For example, the Renniss Capital Foundation created the African Fund "African Vand" and the "Orex SA Vand" fund, which is the largest hedge fund in South Africa, to focus individually on bonds and commodities related to the African continent.Libya also made a similar step by establishing the "Africa Investment Portfolio", which specializes in investment in all fields and economic sectors of the African continent (19).

Moreover, the countries developing in front of them today are an unprecedented opportunity, which is the possibility of ending extreme poverty during one generation.And such an opportunity should be seized and not lost (20), as the financial experts assert.

The moment of September 11 and the pursued of the international war on terrorism and the surrounding armed groups in the world led to Africa to develop a strategic thought that puts in the forefront of security considerations to protect national interests outside the industrial world such as energy supply insurance.

Energy is linked to security and trade, forming a triangle of influence, such as Chinese-Nigerian military relations, and the duties of the US leadership securing oil resources in Africa, and implementing the US global strategy centered on security and energy, especially in this continent (21).

The escalation of the pace of violence, Niger Delta, closed most of the facilities in the delta, causing a decrease in the production rate in 2006 by 50%, and the Ministry of Finance estimated that this crisis cost the government to lose revenues of $ 4.4 billion (22).Hence, it is not possible to separate the existence of foreign military bases in Djibouti to protect the security of their countries with preserving their vital interests, foremost of which is reaching the sources of oil as a strategic and political goal, and although the race is feverish between the traditional major powers and emerging on African minerals and raw materials, it is a candidate for an increase.

It is not unlikely that the major powers are wars on the agency on African soil because of the importance of energy at the present time to its economies, especially if we take into account the widespread military deployment of the major countries in African countries since the beginning of the third millennium.

However, international demand sometimes results in a kind of feeding continental competition between the sub -regional powers as a result of the increase in petroleum returns as is the case in North Africa between Algeria, Rabat, Angola and South Africa, or harnessing resources in search of a pivotal regional role during the era of Idris Deby in the coast and desert.

Here, the importance of energy cooperation between the two neighboring, Senegalese and Mauritanian, for the joint gas of the "Grand-Harim", and the Taddish-Cameroonian export of oil at a distance of more than 1000 km since 2003.

Fifth: The horizon of energy freedom

The cohesion between energy and science “manufacturing” is one of the safe outlets to secure supplies, after building the state and rationalizing expenditures in a form that guarantees high formation, localization of technology, transparency, generalization of information and creating a scientific space that enables the generations of emerging generations to exploit the continent’s wealth and harness it in its favor.

Note that sharing energy revenues vertically and horizontally remains the subject of controversy and attention to the national and international opinion, which always restores the issues of transparency and disposal of public money to the fore.Countries and oil companies exchange charges as a result of corruption and mismanagement of returns allocated to local groups, such as the case of Shell with the Nigerian government.

If the resources joined its diversity with a rational national administration, the work of the young demographic force, the exploitation of vast lands, and the employment of modern technology, Africa would be rid of its suffocating crises, and the major powers compete in a short time.

Fourth axis summary

Energy use draws the features of the African future in the twenty -first century with the imbalance of power between the actors, while Africa is witnessing an international presence and a struggle between the major powers on fuel securing, and its role has increased at the present time due to the global economy's dependence on energy, and the great countries raced towards it for moreFrom strength and influence at the expense of the march of the liberation and development continent.

However, the capabilities of the energy continent do not translate its regional size even in providing its basic needs as well as performing a global role expected in any of the thorny files, whether it comes to security, economics or diplomacy.

Fifth axis: African minerals in international competition ... bets and fate

African minerals have become part of international competition, and this was evident in the paths adopted by the competing parties in order to acquire the continent's minerals.This developed from new types of policy of containing modern forms of what has become known as the "new Cold War", which is what this analytical paper is trying to show.

Reading in history to understand the dimensions of the current competition

European competition for minerals may be the oldest framework in the foreign orientation towards the continent, while "Takklia on Africa" was called. Its roots are dating back to the 19th century. In an attempt to remove its opponents, France and Britain, the German Emperor "Guillaume II" decided that Namibia would be a white colony, purified of blacks; the original people. As for some women, they can stay to meet the sexual needs of the Germans, and their "dual ethnic" children will replace them (1). In these contexts, "the first genocide" was born in the 20th century.

On October 2, 1904, the German general of "Luther von Troths" issued the death sentence against the people of Herro, and stated in its concern: "Hero is no longer from the German nationals.Accordingly, they must choose between: departure or death, if not obedience.And whoever finds it within the (Namibiya) border, an armed or defenseless, will be executed;In addition to the fact that the fate of women and children will be displacement or death in the event of non -compliance [...] so that the Hero knows that the empire will not retain the male prisoners;Rather, they will be executed.This is my decision I made regarding the people of Herro ”(2).

As a result, the Namibi revolted, falling between 1904-1908 approximately 90 % of Hero as a result of the extermination, which left only 15,000, out of one hundred thousand.Likewise, 50 % of their neighbors of Nama, who numbered 20,000, died (3).

The narration of the historical dimension is to remind the axialism of minerals in the calamities that the continent witnessed, and to indicate that the interpretation of German genocide, without regard to the context of the unfair international pattern at the time, was just a "result of a rebellion against colonialism."Therefore, it was not clearly analyzed by the collection of many historians as it was drawn from the planning for capitalist imperialism, and an introduction to the beginning of European competition for the continent's minerals.The expanded demand for African mineral wealth is currently an extension of the Namibi genocide in its new solution.

Types of African minerals

The World Bank, in cooperation with the African Union in 2014, launched an initiative aimed at drawing a modern map of African mineral resources, which was called a "billion dollar map", which is the budget allocated to the geological survey concerned with discoveries, using advanced technology.Initial results resulted in the "geological scandal" (4).The project manager, "Pallo Deska", was determined to announce its results after 5 years, but it was postponed, because of the Cofide-19.However, preliminary conclusions suggest that African reserves spare things that go beyond imagination.

And the last in -depth study, and some African countries only included, on African mineral reserves dating back to 2008 after the global crisis, which showed a quantity of reserves, where the continent contains: 30 % of the bauxite, 60 % of manganese, and 75 % of phosphate rocks, 85 % of platinum, 80 % of chrome, 60 % cobalt, 30 % titanium, 75 % of diamonds, approximately 40 % of the world gold (5).Although the continent saves more than that, the study did not include artificial diamonds, firmecolite, garklium, iron, copper, silver, chocolate, lehium, and rare elements of the recently discovered floor (6).

In addition to the above, the metal reserves, albeit multiple, are also differentiated, and are classified by the experts of the Paris Technology Foundation, starting from geological frameworks (7), which can all be counted in four varieties as follows:

Events of international competition for minerals

During the past twenty years, the world of new technology and electronic technologies is rare without falling on the phrase "GAFA", which means the first letters of Google, Facebook, Amazbook-Amazon, and has always been conspired by the pride of Western industry.But it is absent from many that there are a balanced giants in China, known as "Batx";It means the first letters from: “Baidu,“ BAIDU-AEBABA-Stent-Xiaomi ”(16).

To explain, the:

(Gava) -and "Microsoft" can be added to it -with "Patx", which meets the company "Huawei" -the main incubator of Chinese companies. Each of Gava and Patx has great investments in the new technology and artificial intelligence sectors ($ 25 billion annually from Washington, for $ 65 billion from Beijing). Their common market value is also estimated at 4.5 trillion dollars (21); What is more than the GDP of Germany is the fourth largest economy in the world, for example, and less than 2.2 trillion of the total economy of Africa (55 countries) estimated at 6.7 trillion dollars, according to the International Monetary Fund (22). Russia also has less prevalent companies, but it continues to root it in the field, as (VK) the famous social media platform in Moscow, and (Yandex) the Russian search engine. And other giants such as the South Korean "Samsung", "Wiko", "Echo" French and the Finnish "Nokia", and many others. Interestingly, between 60% and 70% of the necessary strategic minerals, used by companies above, imported from Africa (23). It is one of the reasons - if not the main reason - in the pattern of predatory competition on the continent, when strategic minerals have become the needs of technology giants, multinationals competed with them in order to achieve precedence over opponents, and it goes without the statement that their conflicts have security and economic repercussions on Africa and their political climate .

A general framework to understand the competition for African minerals

Also, the economic superiority of the peer to acquire gold and silver was a key to understanding the looting of the European powers of Africa in the 19th century, the emergence of modern technical industrialization and the launch of the economy based on technology -related innovations may explain the race of power over Africa in the current era.To understand the race beta, it is necessary to stand on two main dimensions of the dimensions of competition, so it has an economic incision, and another geopolitical.

A- Economic bet: After the “post-colonial” period and the covenants called “independence periods”, the western countries, led by Britain, France, and America, and at a lower level: Canada and Japan, to seize the privileges of minerals, without governments realized African is the importance of the resources it possesses for the future world, unless the metal is gold. And later, in return, he appeared as rising forces that compete, especially after the Cold War, namely: China, Russia, and to some extent Israel. Hence, the improvised race between the two parties can be understood to address the friend of African governments recently to obtain contracts that would give them precedence - thanks to strategic minerals - for their opponents. In this regard, China itself imposes a strong competitor to the West on the economic level.

B- The geopolitical bet: Given the change of the nature of competition between the international powers, contrary to what it was in the colonial covenants, as a result of the expansion of the maneuvering margin of African governments, and the emergence of new players in the arena, the West sought to integrate flexible political rapprochement with coarse pressures in an attempt to achieve its interests side by side To the side of meeting the demands of his peoples to the necessity of democratic transformation in Africa and stop supporting "dictatorial" regimes. When Western companies are working to obtain mining privileges, on the one hand, human rights organizations are pressuring African governments in democracy and human rights issues, on the other hand, which seem to be not at the forefront of Western companies and governments, which is a double of the African leaders, As imperialist forces, human rights files only come out to pressure governments or to amend their rebellious behavior.

In this perspective, the Russian Federation of President Vladimir Putin comes as the other alternative that supports the autocratic governments in the dispute with the West. In the words of the political thinker, Azmi Bishara: The "Botinian" phenomenon is evident in its relentless pursuit of cooperation and preserving the Ottawas in many regions, intertwined in a dialogue with many dictatorships in the world, considering democracy as an imperially Western expansion (imperialism of NATO). Consequently, it is seen strategically, as the expansion of Western influence (24). From this standpoint, non -satisfactory African governments seek excessive Western influence and its dictations in Russia. It can be evidenced by referring to Omar al -Bashir from Sudan before being overthrown; His first visit - after he got rid of the international arrest warrant - to Moscow. Al -Bashir asked Putin to protect him from the behavior of the "aggressive" United States towards his country (25). In the same way, the late Zimbabwean President "Mugabe" cooperated with Russia, when his relations were worsened with the West. Usually - a reaction - the non -satisfied African countries withdraw the licenses of mining from the West to give them to its competitors, which often lead to coups or - as it is recently spread - to a coup attempt. With the attention of attention to the fact that the West itself strengthens the autocrats as long as it guarantees its precedence. Democracy and human rights diminish in front of benefits, and its hostility does not appear except when it is issued by behaviors that he considers a rebellion against its hegemony or a threat to its interests. France has supported the Republic of Togo, President "Giasinsbi Iyadima", to remain in power from 1976 until his death 2005, to give it the privileges of manganese, luxette, phosphate, and iron, which is an example among dozens.

All of the above explains the theory of "Power Transition Theory" in political science, as the current race embodies the early stages of a turning point in the dynamics of power in international politics.According to the transformation of power, there are four categories of countries in the international system (26):

قوى مهيمنة، وراضية بالوضع الراهن (ستاتسکو) وتفضِّل بقاءه والحفاظ عليه (حالة الولايات المتحدة- فرنسا مثلًا).
قوى متوسطة، وراضية بـالـستاتسکو لأن حلفاءها من القوى الكبرى يحافظون على النظام الذي يحقق بقاؤه مصالحها (مثال: ساحل العاج، والسنغال، وبولندا والدول الإسكندنافية في أوروبا مثلًا).
قوى عظمى، وهي دول غير راضية بالوضع الراهن، وتمتلك الموارد والإمكانيات للتأثير في الوضع الراهن، وتدرك ذلك، فتوظِّف إمكاناتها لمحاولة تغيير النظام الذي يرعاه الصنف الأول. ويتجلى بأوضح صورة في روسيا بوتين، والصين للرئيس “شي جين بينغ”، وحلفائهما، وإلى حدٍّ ما تركيا أردوغان.
قوى صغرى، وهي دول غير راضية بالوضع الراهن، لكنها تفتقر إلى مقومات تغييره، لذا تخضع، لكن حالما تشعر بأن هنالك قوى قادرة على تغيير الوضع الراهن، تتعاون معها. ويفسرها تطبيقيًّا تحالف القوى الإفريقية المتمردة مع القوى العظمى الساخطة على هيمنة أميركا وفرنسا مثلًا، وتتعاون معها بالاصطفاف الكلي، أو على مستوى أقل، بمحاولة اللعب على التناقضات. مثال الدول الإفريقية على ذلك راهنًا: مدغشقر، وبوروندي، وإفريقيا الوسطى، ومالي، وغينيا الاستوائية، وإثيوبيا، من بين آخرين.

1- Traditional Western powers and guarded fishing

According to the legal expert from the Cameroon, “January Momo”, when a colonial country provides a geological survey of discovering oil and mineral suppliers, the results often hide from the concerned state, to delude the competing countries that the (A) or (B) resources, until the need,Then it announces the discovery of a stunning conversation.This is how the colonial Belgium mentioned the word "poverty" next to "Burundi", until the repetition of the lie was real.The hidden resources are called "lase gardée" (27).

A- The Cases of America-Britain-Belgium and Mahrous fishing: In 2020, the Congo announced that the Cobalt and the Colleins will be recorded as a "strategic" mineral, which earns it additional importance by doubling the state's revenues. What led to his heavy opposition to foreign companies. Especially, the Anglo-Swiss-Swiss company. Under the new law, the royalties paid to the Congolese government jumped from 2 % in the past to 10 % (28). This was after a report revealed, in December 2019, the Guardian newspaper that the Kungoli families filed a lawsuit in Washington against technology giants, as they kill and distort their children while excavating cobalt used in smartphones, computers and electric cars. And the companies involved in the lawsuit are: (Apple, Google, Microsoft, Tesla, and Del), by the Human Rights Rights Advocates on behalf of 14 families. The lawsuit -which appeared as a result of the field research conducted by the economic expert to combat contemporary slavery, accuses Sidhar Kara - Companies are involved in the death and distortion of children who work in the supply chain mines. They argue that they are illegally working in mines owned by the British mining company “Gilkur”, as it owns a third of the cobalt mines, and it is imported by the Belgian (UMicore -the former colonial state -, Which sells cobalt in turn to "Apple", "Tesla" and the rest of the giants (29). On the Congo, the same scenario is repeated with Western Mining companies in Zambia, Mali, Guinea, Zimbabwe, Sudan, and many other wealthy countries with minerals.

B- Canada: For its part, Canada outperforms its competitors in gold mining; Where many of its companies began exploring the interior of the African land rich in the yellow metal in 2008 after the crisis, and although the widespread exploration in West Africa alone began a decade ago, the region's production of 9 million ounces annually, a level approaching North America “12 million” (30). Canadian companies, such as "Oromin Group" and "SABODALA GOLD", is a 90 % Senegalese Company for the Canadian Teranga Gold, in Ghana, the largest product in the region with 9 active mines. Mali production in 2019 also increased by 21 %, or 60 tons (2.1 million ounces), Burkina Faso (55 tons), Ivory Coast (25 tons), and Senegal (7 tons) of gold (31). According to “Natural Resources Canada, a federal ministry of Canada, 155 Canadian companies have cumulative mining assets with a total of more than 31.6 billion Canadian dollars (30.5 billion dollars) operating in 39 countries in Africa by 2011. That is after the Canadian Conservative Prime Minister negotiated Stephen Harper, on investment promotion and protection agreements with African countries (32). The data showed that copper and gold metal represent the vast majority of Canadian mines on the continent (33).

C- France: With the growth of the Industrial Revolution in Europe, France sent a team of geologists from the French Bureau of Petroleum Research “Bureau de Recharche du pétrole français”- from which the French National Agents Company emerged- to the Dakar Peninsula, in 1920, and excavations did not start even 1952 with another batch of geologists to the Republic of Mali (34). This is the result of the term "unknown jackets" used by the French geology, Marcel Robert, after World War II, describing the minerals of the French Empire in black Africa, as a expressive urge France on the missions of exploration in its colonies (35). The 1960 "Le Monde" archive indicated promising results after the office excavations; The final report on the Republic of Mali indicated mainly on alumina phosphate, calcium, zirconium ore, and limestone for the cement industry. French companies were unique in extracting thousands of tons of them as the colonial power, then the office intensified research, to announce huge iron deposits in the "Kidogo" area, and the Boxett in "Bamako", and "Lithium" in the "Boghouni" area, and phosphate configurations in the Tilesi Valley, From the cities of the Republic of Mali. This is except for hydrocarbons in the three sedimentary basins in the country, because nine tenths of a financial surface area consisting of sedimentary land. Therefore, the country provides an interesting oil and metal horizons (36). Perhaps the guardian treasures explain France's dissatisfaction with the recent financial rapprochement.

Then French research moved to neighboring countries. During the test drilling in Sudan, for example, the office reported the discovery of manganese, copper, chromium, iron, barium, aluminum, tin, lead, zinc, gold and lehium.In Senegal, on manganese, gold, iron and another, the 1952 report announced several indicators of the office found diamonds, zinc, tin, titanium, barium, lehum, gold, iron, diamonds, and rare floor in many countries in black Africa (37).

The exploitation of the French National Company for Mines was not limited to Mali and Senegal, for example in the Central African Republic, diamonds and gold were discovered for the first time in the early twentieth century, when the country was still under the rule of French colonialism, so the colonial administration practiced tight control and granted special privileges to French companies to exploit rubber And cotton and cotton. The diamonds soon became the second product for export in the country after cotton; Where the diamond production numbers reached 14,7104 carats in 1954 (38). France declares from the time to the time of President Jean-Bidel Bocassa (1966-1976) that “underground to fifty meters in Central Africa and its minerals contains France” (39).

And based on the above, France met with a wide criticism in 2014, after the "WikiLeaks" leaks of a document on the looting of the French company TSA, Global Services AFRICA "for diamonds in the middle of the African, explaining a typical situation of the illegal impoverishment of an African country by extracting gold and diamonds, and about the general neglect of rulesThe country is by French mining industries (40).French minister, "Arno Montburg", replied that France companies are working to discover what is in the ground only;Where the French -speaking African countries want, in particular, to work with France instead of multinational companies for other countries (41).

Thus, the traditional colonial forces were unique in the privileges on the continent, until both Russia and China arrived to start a new chapter of predatory economic methods.

2- The emergence of competing forces

أ- روسيا: في السابق، ساعد الاتحاد السوفيتي بلدانًا إفريقية في مساعي التحرير من التأثيرات الأوروبية في فترات الاستقلال تماشيًا مع الفكر الشيوعي. لكن بعد انهياره، انسحبت روسيا من المنطقة، عدا حضور طفيف. وظل الوضع كذلك، حتى بواكير العقد الأول من القرن الحالي، حين بدأ الرئيس “بوتين” في إظهار اهتمام محدود بإفريقيا. وبحلول عام 2014، نهجت نهجًا مغايرًا لزيادة نفوذها، نتيجة العقوبات الاقتصادية من القوى الغربية في أعقاب ضمِّها لشبه جزيرة القرم، فقررت غزو أسواق جديدة، لتنويع أصولها الاقتصادية وتلبية احتياجاتها. وفي الصدد، وخلال مقابلة مع وكالة الأنباء الروسية “تاس”، قال بوتين -الذي يسعى لإعادة صياغة النظام الدولي-: “إنه ليس من قبيل الصدفة اتجاهنا نحو إفريقيا؛ فقد أصبحت بشكل متزايد قارة للفرص، وتمتلك موارد هائلة وجاذبية اقتصادية محتملة لمنتجاتنا”(42).

But Russia's approach is mainly geopolitical, then economic; It is keen to weave relations with the African powers that are in dispute with the West. For example, Russia has approached the Zimbabwe President, "Robert Mugabe", while Zimbabwe is subject to economic sanctions from the West after allegations that his regime was responsible for violence and torture of his opponents. Russia, along with China, stood with Zimbabwe, and used the veto against the Security Council Resolution on the arms embargo, in 2008, criticizing Western sanctions towards Zimbabwe. Later, relations have evolved into economic, as Russia has resumed exporting a number of ready -made materials and goods to the country, from wood and fertilizers to printed materials, railways and electronics. Russia is imported from Zimbabwe coffee and tobacco. The Russians also crowded the British companies - the former colonial country - in the country's mining and gold mining projects in the country; The Russian companies, Zimbabwe, shared a joint project called ((DarWendale for Mining and Moncrants, one of the largest platinum metal deposits in the world, which is scheduled to be produced in 2021 (43).

According to a study conducted by expert Natalia Bougiwava and others, the Institute of Military Studies "ISW", the Russian diamond company (Alrosa) is working on Central African Mines to succeed France, and the Russian Gold Company (Nordgo), Russian Aluminum Company (RUSAL) and the Normkekel Company also works ) To expand the scope of activities in chocolate, cobalt, gold and diamond mining throughout the continent. According to the study, the Russian company (Ferrum Mining) linked to the Kremlin government bought 70 % of the company ((Kraoma Mining S.) of the Madagascar Government (44). Economic reasons, but also include political and strategic reasons in the first place, as Africa is a major potential partner in its vision of a multi -poles global system.

ب-جمهورية الصين الشعبية: على نقيض روسيا التي تكمن دوافعها الأساسية في الجيوبوليتيك، فإن الصين بواعثها اقتصادية، ثم سياسية. وإن تحليلًا جيواقتصاديًّا عميقًا في تمحورها نحو إفريقيا يلقي الضوء على نهجها “المفترس”، حتى غدت موصوفة بـ”قوة استعمارية جديدة”، خاصة أنها استطاعت تجاوز منافسيها خلال 20 عامًا فقط(45). فبحلول عام 2007، دخلت أكثر من 7000 شركة صينية متعددة الجنسيات بالاستثمار الأجنبي المباشر في 173 دولة حول العالم؛ مما أدى إلى إنشاء ما لا يقل عن 10000 شركة تنافس الشركات الغربية، بما في ذلك 1000 شركة في إفريقيا(46).

Reports indicate that China follow two comprehensive strategies towards Africa;First: Investing for infrastructure.Second: loans versus raw materials;Where its cumulative loans to the continent reached between 2000-2017 to 124 billion dollars (47).Of course, you expect a privilege in return.

The two strategies find more closely proven in the Democratic Congo; Where 70 % of Congolese exports go from the mining sector to China. For example, Chinese mining companies dominate approximately (70 to 80 %) of copper and Congolese cobalt. Chinese investment comes from state -owned public institutions as (Chinalco) and (Sinosteel); To establish partnerships between them and host countries, in the Chinese government so that it can control the joint project strategies. Chinese agreements take the formula of "government-government agreement", unlike the West, whose agreements are "a company deal with a state". Hence, the Chinese easy loan agreement of $ 8.5 billion with the Congo was concluded in 2007, that is, on the first strategy, mining contracts against infrastructure. As a joint mining project called "SOCOMINES", between the Gecamines General Company and has 32 % compared to 68 % five "consortome" from Chinese companies, as a result of a Chinese loan to the country from (Exim Bank, worth 12 billion dollars, according to which it will have to "Sukumin" produces approximately 10 million tons of copper and six hundred thousand tons of cobalt, and other minerals that have not been specified, from all the country's metal resources for 25 years. The Congo will pay infrastructure investments, which included transportation, railway, roads and social projects (two universities And 32 hospitals and five thousand social housing) among other things. Projects were supposed to be granted to the Belgian company “Fayeikor” - the former colonial power - but China overcame and the deal won, which opened new horizons for competition between China and the European Union.

Another example in the Gabon state; Where China has been established projects that France - the colonial power - has acquired the China Machinery Engineering and the "Sinosteel Consortium" company, which benefited from the soft financing of "Gazem Bank", on exclusive rights to activate a mine Iron in the "Belinga" area, east of Gabon. The project represents an investment of $ 3.5 billion (equivalent to 30 % of Gabon GDP). On the other hand, the Gabon adopted a 560 km railway between "Bellinga" and the "Santa Clara" area in which the port of the country is located on the Atlantic, sympathetic to the construction of a dam to generate the country's electrical energy. The project, which started in 2011, is expected to run for 20 years (48). Likewise, in Algeria, Chinese companies have committed to a rental contract for $ 6 billion for phosphate, in exchange for returning a railway project in the Maghreb in a Mombasa railway in Kenya, at about $ 3.2 billion, and a huge "Super" dam at a cost of one billion dollars. On Ivory Coast, funded by the Chinese state banks against gold (49).

There is a great deal of symbolism of influence in loans;Where debts give China almost control over countries, and thus the ability to play the role of dominant power in government departments, and this was manifested in Zambia, when China took control of copper mines, as a result of loans that Zambia was unable to pay.By 2018, Zambia used its public assets, including Zambia International Airport, to support loan payment courses, approximately $ 6.4 billion of Chinese debt (50).Likewise, in Nigeria and many African countries, the practices that China's opponents called "diplomacy of debt trap" called.

China also has geopolitical ambitions against its loans, and is mainly related to Taiwan.On today, there are 46 out of 55 countries that clearly support China, when African countries demanded not to recognize Taiwan's independence, but the 46 countries helped China to isolate Taiwan diplomatically (51).The achievement is a strong reference for China in its endeavor to obtain the support of African countries in international bodies.

The repercussions of international competition for the stability of the continent: What gives African minerals the character of the conflict is its subject to the conditions of scarcity, in terms of its vitality to the giants of technology, as it is necessary for modern innovations. The wealthy Africa in minerals has witnessed internal wars, a struggle for power that is always fueled by the aspirations of domination of mineral deposits. For example, the gold metal had a role in the Sudanese Darfur war for the year 2013; Where the warfare around the gold mines in the "Amer" mountain in Sudan killed nearly 1,000 people and displaced about 150,000 others in the same year. Gold is believed to make his way to Dubai refineries; The UAE is the largest importer of Sudanese gold, according to world trade data for 2018, it imported 99.2 % of Sudanese gold exports. "Global Whitens" confirms that the prominent refining company in the UAE "Caloti" bought gold associated with armed groups in Darfur in 2012. In 2018 alone, more than 270 international companies reported in reports that the US Securities and Exchange Committee intended to have received gold From "Caloti", among them the largest gold refining company in the world, "the Swiss" Kambi. As a result, the Sudanese conflict goes to the major home brand products, such as: "Amazon", "Starbucks", "Sony", "Disney" and "HP" (52).

In Sudan, the Democratic Congo has known the longest African civil wars in the east of the country's "Kivu" region, called the "Global Village". The First Civil War (1996-1997), which was also called the "First World War" of Africa, took place in Zayer of the Congo, with a great spread of it in Sudan and Uganda. And a second war broke out from 1998 to 2003, and in the early 2014, the third erupted and is still ongoing. The gemstones, gold, cobalt, and two collars are fueled and funded, as militias and members of the Congolese army earn from it through illegal control of the mineral trade (53). Currently there are more than 100 armed groups in the eastern Congo. About 10 of them get large revenue from mining. For example, the NDC-Rénové militia controls more than 100 gold and cobalt mining sites in northern Kivu. The M23, stationed in the (Lituri) area, also controls dozens, as the relevant profits - which are estimated at millions of dollars - have always been an engine for its activities (54), and its customers from American, Belgian, Canadian, and many Chinese companies. The victims of the three Congolese wars were estimated at 6.4 million people from 1998 to 2021 (55). The Global Edge Foundation for Financial Studies has estimated; The value of the non -exploited Congo deposits of raw metals in more than 24 trillion US dollars (56), equivalent to US gross product, the world's largest economy. What makes the Congo - and on a wide range - the richest country in the world in terms of natural resources, and the paradox is one of the poorest countries in the world.

As the same in Burundi, the colonial state Belgium was that it was poor in resources, until 2007 when Burundi granted the right to excavate the Samancor company in South Africa, then to a Chinese company that led to Belgian support for the Burundian opposition and its armed movements, until it erupted The bloody crisis for the year 2015 and 2016, which followed the presidential elections for the third state, which President "Nkoronziza" sought with the support of Russia. In light of Belgium's competition with South African and Chinese companies for the Burundian "rare ground". After Burundi announced the discovery of huge deposits of the rare floor, it provided privileges for South Africa and China, and Belgium and its European Union ally, and 6 years ago, Burundi has lived under the threat of armed rebellion, and the Burundian government is suffering from an intense media attack from the Lobby of the "MR" party (MR) Government in Belgium, led by the Belgian Federal Minister of Diguity, Matthew Michelle, the son of the former European Commissioner in Brussels, Luis Michel (57).

One of the repercussions of mineral competition is that it has produced a good amount of conflicts on the continent, as a result of supporting the competing forces for parties and their opponents, in order to obtain exploration licenses after their supporters reached the power. While Russia and China, for example, supported by Britain and America to support the current president, "Emrson Manangagua" in Zimbabwe. Russia also supported Omar al-Bashir in Sudan, the United States and France supported the government of the Transitional Prime Minister, Abdullah Hamdouk, and his government has stated its intention to review the Sudanese-Russian agreement to build a military base for the latter in the Red Sea, which was granted by the Bashir government (58). In a related context, France supported the forces of former President "Bozizi" in Central Africa, and Russia has come to support the current president, "Arkanj Tawaraera", and he is now working to remove France and its companies from the country. The same is in Mali, where the ousted president, "Boubaker Keita", was an ally of France, but the transitional authority led by Colonel Hashemi Ghoita announced its desire to sign the Russian "Wagner" group, which was accompanied by discontent and threat, supported by the European Union (59).

In addition to the above, the condition of the Congo comes; The late President "Joseph Kabila" was the ally of Russia and China, but the new government led by "Felix Cheskidi" - the western ally - withdrew many privileges and reviewed the mining contracts for the cholester, cobalt and other minerals with Chinese companies. The foregoing also explains the non -renovation of "Ciscidi" oil and mineral licenses for companies associated with the controversial Israeli businessman Dan Gerter. Where the government refused to renew the permits of exploration from the oil areas 1 and 2 in the Lake Albert, which was granted in 2010. Gertel was previously considered a "irreplaceable investor" within the extractive sectors of the Congo, because of his links to the former president, Kabila. The refusal to grant him permits came against the background of political divorce between President Ceskidi and Kabila (60). This, and the competition can be listed with the support of external parties in both gas -rich Guinea, Boxett, Burundi, the "rare ground" and Mozambique, which discovered the largest leisure mine in the country (61) or Guinea, which has the largest mine of iron and luxette on the continent and which was recently known as a coup. All of the above are examples of international competition for African mineral wealth, and more conflict looms on the horizon, due to the increasing need for strategic metals.

The results of international competition for the continent

The results of the general trends of the conflict between the West and the "China-Russian"

1- Africa is likely to be the next polar conflict theater, in the centrality of the Middle East in the Cold War.Unlike Western allegations, the Chinese-Russian bloc refuses to be a "guardian hunting" as its opponents claim.Many recommend that the African coast region - with its wide significance, its resources and security turmoil - would be as Afghanistan in the Cold War.

2- The spirit of the Cold War and the policy of alternative poles came back, and this is evident when the masses in Mali- the tension with France- waved the Russian flag, in the demonstrations of Ethiopia, and the supportive march of President Tuwaira in Central Africa, have geopolitical connotations that there is an alternative other than the West, and European pressures, And the coups, Saif Al -Jallad has no longer, and this significance has its projections to international competition for Africa.

In contrast to the prevailing belief among crowds of analysts that competition is harmful to African stability, considering the continent as a security turmoil, but the French-Russian competition, which between the traditional Western powers and the emerging powers in general, can be a geopolitical outlet, as it gives options between more than one alternative, otherwise The excessive domination of the West to uniqueness. For example, after the second coup in Mali, led by Colonel Hashemi Ghaouta, in May 2021, France froze its military operations with Mali; The Financial Military Council, after a few days of the announcement, initiated the signing of a mining deal with the Chinese company "Gan Feng" by investing $ 130 million to buy 50% of the "Gulamina" mine in southern Mali to extract lithium, the necessary article for the batteries industry (62). Observers considered the deal a Chinese welcome to the French emptiness, and a message to France that "we have an alternative, and you have what you may lose", especially the metal privileges. France will cancel its decision within a week. It is the policy of playing for the contradictions of the minor powers during the competition between the great powers, and something similar to this happened in the 1960s and 1970s after the Cold War when Egypt resorted to the Soviet Union during the Suez Canal and the High Dam.

The French -speaking countries, which want to diversify the partners, in exchange for a French pressure, seek to compete with (in the case of Rwanda and Gabon) were the Anglo -Saxon countries, and joined the Commonwealth, and in the case of (Burundi, Mozambique, Central Africa, and Equatorial Guinea) Russia was while China supportedThose countries are in voting cases of the Security Council.China's support for "veto" is noted with Russia, although Veto is one of the purpose.

3- Many evidence indicates the imbalance of the economic power in favor of the formula of the Chinese “government-government” deal on the Western “government” deal, as a result of the financial liquidity (Cash) of the Chinese government; There is no Western company capable of placing $ 12 billion (the state of the Congo) at the negotiating table between them and an African government. Kindly, the state -owned Chinese companies bear all responsibilities at the time of the implementation of the project, while western companies demand an additional budget for "unexpected risks". Accordingly, regardless of the warnings of African specialists and Western propaganda about the "Chinese debt trap", many governments will be directed towards China, especially those that are not subject to popular accountability.

4- Botinism is repelled by African governments- and many peoples of West Africa- as they meet with the new aspirations of the Africans represented in "Western non-interference in their internal affairs" and "African solutions to African problems" as- the Africans- despair of the dictates of the West and its double standards . Putinism interferes with the vision of African Ottawas from the standpoint of absolute sovereignty and patriotism, in the concept of Karl Schmidt of the essence of sovereignty, by making the ruler and measurement the interest of the state in the perspective of the regime, not pledges on the basis of morals, and the freedom of the regime to act without value lectures from foreign powers. These ideas are what the Russian regime is trying to formulate as an ideology in itself; Liberalism and Western influence compete. For Russia Giopolitics first and in front of everything, you will find fertile ground with authoritarian governments. And based on the above, Russia lost in the past 10 years, three ally governments, Omar al -Bashir in Sudan, Mogabi in Zimbabwe, and Joseph Kabella in the Congo, in favor of the West. On the other hand, it won - on the account of France - Central Africa, Equatorial Guinea, and the competition and current competition for Mali and Ethiopia.

5- Since Western policies stipulated democratic rule did not lead to the creation of economic and social development in any African country to be considered a model that must be harmed, on the contrary, the African African democracies cooperated with the West (France in Mali, the era of President Omar Konari) to use excessive gold minerals In the country, the West (France) itself abandoned democracy in Chad in exchange for its services in "combating terrorism" and arms selling deals; The West has easier for rebellious Autozocrats the way to describe the West as the "Future hypocrite". In this context, in particular, this growing awareness in the African popular culture should not be tolerated; The African peoples have preferred the resistant to the duplication of the West, although the trends of their policies at home are unclear. In their eyes, the national alternative, although it is unclear, remains better than Western practices that resemble imperialism, which is wrapped in democracy. Hence Russia contributes to the heart of the equation in its favor, putting itself the position of the protector of national sovereignty in the international arena, and supporting "African solutions to African crises."

Fifth axis summary

The fate of international competition for minerals, depending on all of the above, is evident that the mining sector in Africa has become a comprehensive geodicist phenomenon that significantly clarifies the disturbing and sometimes dangerous rapprochement between politics and economics in the globalized world and heading towards change in its system. Hence, it can be said: The competition for the mining sector in Africa is accelerated by multiple poles, and perhaps what is known as "the second Cold War". In short, a cash contemplation of the foreign powers race on the continent's minerals shows the African and global meeting point at the same time, such as the parties' attempts to play on the policies of the "traditional influence zone" in an implicit way, the state of the West. Or the new partnerships from China and Russia that tempt the "rebel" African countries as a "common vision" of what the world order should be. All of them suggest that the future of the conflict over global domination will be in, and on Africa. And if there is a "new" cold war, it inevitably finds its crystallization in the brown continent, and the precious and strategic minerals have a great role in its recommendation.

The interaction between Turkey and Africa has become mutually developed during the past decade, as the Turkish presence in Africa has become more clear today and has become more drawn to the attention of Africans, and Turkey is advancing in Africa according to joint implementation plans accepted by the parties and signed during the Turkish-African partnership conferences.

There is no doubt that the rapid and profound changes, which are taking place in a number of countries in the African continent in the twenty -first century, contributed and contributed to changing the shape and fate of the continent and expanding its network of external relations that are more complicated with the entry of new actors on the line of relations with African countries. In addition to the western powers present strongly on the brown continent, we find that China, Japan, India, and Russia have also started, in the past few years, seeking to confirm its presence in the African continent. This is without neglecting the emergence of other Middle Eastern regional powers such as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel in a number of countries in the African continent. As for the motives inherent in this international movement, which is witnessed by Africa, it is to seek to create an area of influence of those powers that allow them to impose their control on the sources of African countries, their markets or strategic locations, by pumping low -cost loans or financial investments or marketing their final products. All the foregoing has led to the transformation of Africa to a new kiss for the contract and forums, which are usually considered tools necessary to enhance interaction with Africa.

In this context, as some academics such as Pedrig Carmeudi indicated, the new complexity experienced by the connections of the foreign African countries may be formulated today within the framework of the concept of "new stampede towards Africa", which is similar to what was a "colonial stampede towards Africa" in the ninth centuryTen, or similar to a "new cold war" like that between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War era (1).Whether it is in the colonial context or in the context of the Cold War, the reality of attracting Africa in the various international powers will continue to be a reality that calls for many discussions.

Like the neighboring countries of the continent, Turkey is not very far from spreading its influence and causing influence in Africa. In the last period, Turkey sought to enhance its influence on the continent by carrying out Turkish missions in Africa and holding summit conferences and forums in a number of its countries. Turkey expects to play an active role on the international scene, and sees important capabilities and opportunities in its cooperation with Africa. Therefore, Turkey has been pursuing an intense African policy since 2005, which made the Turkish presence on the continent, during the past century, is more clear than it was in the past. Istanbul, Turkey, has so far hosted three African peaks, the last of which was between 16-18 December 2021.

This paper examines the reality of the Turkish presence on the continent and in the dynamics of Turkish-African interaction.

The renaissance of Africa and the international parties active on the continent

A giant Africa in which the peoples of the poorest of the world live despite their richness in natural resources, which reflects a great contradiction.The continent has huge stocks of oil, gas and other natural minerals such as cobalt, gold and diamonds, in addition to its agricultural products such as palm oil, cocoa, tea, coffee and vanilla, which are all raw materials necessary for industrial production.Consequently, the increasing demand for the supply of materials necessary for the industry creates additional pressure on Africa's resources, especially after some Asian forces intensify their relations with African in the mid -nineties of the last century.

The continent of Africa, which is inhabited by more than 1.3 billion people, has a very active dynamic, and its market is constantly widening in parallel with the demographic increase in it and the high purchasing power of its popular moderate layers. In this regard, the detracted concept of Africa's abilities has changed more positively in the recent period in the world. This is evident in the endeavor of international companies to develop new marketing strategies according to the effectiveness of roads that are appropriate to the African market, in addition to pumping some intercontinental companies, such as Google, more investments in the field of the proof of the continent. Certainly, the giant continent is seen as a new technology center. From this standpoint, entering the market and selling more products to Africans is considered two important goals for international companies. With this attraction for the increasing interest in the African market, it also attracts more active parties to its square.

After achieving all the foregoing, the "Establishment of Africa" narrative, which indicates the increasing influence of Africa on the global theater at the political level and economic performance.While some see that this is nothing but a myth, because there is a fact indicating that millions of people are still struggling to get out of poverty and lack electricity and are forced to live in bad conditions, the optimists see in the saying of "the rising Africa" a pure fact that reflectsThe continent in many directions turns more positively.

In the next paragraphs, we will discuss the truth of this narrative.But what is certain is that Africa is attracting world powers that do not hesitate to employ this narrative in formulating its African policies.

There is no doubt that the diversification of African foreign relations creates a contradiction between views in some way. China, for example, is a giant investor, but the fruit of its investments went in the opposite direction, as it is seen as a new colonial power that uses the debt trap strategy. In this context, Angola, Ethiopia and Kenya were all exhausted from the weight of paying its loans to China. These countries face challenges of paying their loans in the form of oil supplies, or by giving up marine ports or important airports in favor of Chinese investors. On the other hand, African countries seem ready to overlook the illegal Israeli policies against immigrants and Palestinians to attract more Israeli investors. However, despite the existence of grave dangers, we see the United States, European powers, India, China and Japan, as well as South Korea, Taiwan, Russia, Brazil, Turkey, Israel, Iran, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, today they are followed by special African policies to enhance its presence in the continent either in The field of trade and business or in political and cultural circles. Consequently, the presence of multiple active parties creates an environment in which they contradict and collide, sometimes the interests of Asian powers with Western powers and regional powers in the Middle East.

The emergence of Turkey's role in Africa

If the fact is an existing African renaissance, then the emergence of the role of Turkey in it is also irrelevant, as today we are witnessing a dynamic and intense interaction between Turkey and African countries in the fields of trade, business and diplomacy despite the presence of other competitors on the scene. Today, Turkey has become a clearly influential party in Africa, and it has a unique position due to what its foreign policy has achieved, multi -dimensional, who has already been at this level during the past fifteen years. Turkey is still seeking to increase its influence on the continent using all diplomatic, commercial, investment, educational, health and security cooperation, as well as its use of soft power tools of culture and history (2).

On the other hand, the presence of Africa is now more clear in Turkey, as large numbers of Africans between businessmen, students, tourists, and immigrants have been delegated throughout Turkey.The presence of Somali, Sudanese, Libyan, Egyptian, Tunisian, Algerian, Senegalese and Nigerian communities in the major cities in Turkey has become more clear today.Moreover, the number of African embassies in Ankara jumped from 10 embassies in 2008 to 37 embassies in 2021.

All of these data and facts call for the necessity of approaching the reality of the current Turkish-African relations from a multi-dimensional angle instead of a unilateral approach.

Turkish history on the African continent dates back to the sixteenth century when the Ottomans first entered the north. Then the Ottoman expansion continued to extend across the shores of the Red Sea and through the Mediterranean Sea, reaching the lands located towards the African coast. In Africa, the Ottomans remained a ruling power for four centuries, and they established five separate departments focused in Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Eritrea. However, the Ottoman forces withdrew from the continent after that, leaving their administrative strongholds to the European colonial powers. Although the Ottoman historical heritage in the African continent is still very rich, it is also still discovered by academics, as it was the compass of Turkey, in the Republican era, usually directed to the West.

And if we exclude this long Ottoman period, the modern relationship of Turkey with Africa in 2005 with the declaration of Ankara in 2005 “African Year”, and then the Turkish decision -maker adopted a new concrete policy plan entitled “Openness to Africa”. Since that date, the Turkish diplomatic project was launched on the African continent. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the relations with Africa are part of the main goals of Turkish foreign policy, and that opening new diplomatic representations would strengthen Turkey's relations with the continent. Today, Turkey has 43 embassies active throughout the continent after its number, two decades ago, does not exceed 12 embassies. Thus, Turkey is ranked fourth among the most representative countries in the African continent after the United States, China and France.

In the context of strengthening Turkish-African relations, Turkey was awarded the membership of the African Union in 2005 as an observer member, then quickly became a strategic partner of the African Union in 2008 before holding the first Turkish-African-African partnership summit in Istanbul in the same year. The most important slogans of the Istanbul Summit Conference were the "common future", "cooperation" and "solidarity" among the parties in it (3). In addition, Turkey and its African partners agreed to implement a tangible work program based on equality, mutual respect and mutual benefits. The second Turkish-African-African Partnership Summit was held in Malabu, the capital of Equatorial Guinea, in 2014, according to the follow-up mechanism mentioned in the Istanbul Declaration, which determined the holding of future summit conferences once every 5 years while ministerial follow-up conferences are held every three years. Participants in the Malabo conference approved the joint implementation plan for the period between 2015-2019.

Turkey's policy in Africa is not limited to periodic conference conferences, but Turkish official visits to African countries play an important role in developing Turkish-African cooperation as well. In this regard, Turkish President Erdogan was keen to perform regular visits to the continent, in the past fifteen years, thirty different African countries, including two visits to the war torn, and this number of visits to the African continent is the highest for a non -African leader (4) . After two years of absence due to the outbreak of Corona's epidemic, President Erdogan returned again, in October 2021, to the African continent on a tour that he started from Angola and then Togo Fengearia-the giant of Africa.

هذا ويحظى Economic cooperation والعلاقات التجارية مع قارة إفريقيابمكانة أولوية في أجندة تركيا. ولتطوير تلك العلاقات تنظم تركيا بصفة دورية “منتديات اقتصادية وأعمال تجارية تركية-أفريقية” بPartnership مع الاتحاد الأفريقي من أجل تنظيم وتطوير العلاقات التجارية بين تركيا والقارة الأفريقية. وقد شهدت إسطنبول في العام 2016 انعقاد المنتدى الأول، الذي جمع وزراء التجارة والاقتصاد من 42 بلدا إفريقياوأكثر من ألفي رجل أعمال، وعُقد المنتدى الثاني في العام 2018 تحت عنوان “معا من أجل الاستثمار في مستقبل مستدام”.

On the regional level, and in order to deepen economic and trade relations between Turkey and West Africa, Turkey decided, in the same year, to launch the organization of the "Business and Economic Business Forum between Turkey and the Economic Community of West African States" (5) or the forum known under the name: "Turkey-Ecowas Business and Economic Forum “The last economic and commercial forum was held in Istanbul in October 2021.

The Turkish Foreign Economic Relations Council has 45 business council distributed in African countries aimed at promoting bilateral trade and mutual investment.The total trade volume with Africa, 3 billion dollars in 2003 increased to $ 26 billion in 2021. As for the direct Turkish foreign investment (FDI) in Africa, it approaches $ 10 billion.Private Turkish companies also monitor the opportunities that may be available for investment and business in Africa.For example, the Turkish Airlines, which carries the Turkey flag today, is running its flights to 61 destinations that include 40 African countries.

There is also another field for Turkish-African cooperation, which is the energy field that preaches with more development, as Turkey imports liquefied oil and natural gas from the African markets. Algeria represents the fourth largest gas exporter to Turkey, while the Turkish import of Nigerian natural gas constitutes 90% of the volume of bilateral trade between Nigeria and Turkey (6). In 2017, the country of oil -rich and minerals called on Turkish companies to extract Chadian oil. Somalia, in turn, also called on Turkey to explore oil in the country's seas. In addition to all of this, Turkey signed a naval deal with the recognized Libyan National Accord government that was the establishment of a pure economic zone that extends from the northeastern coast of Libya to reach the southeastern coast of Turkey, as well as oil exploration agreements.

On another level, Turkey is the agricultural sector as a strategic sector to improve its relations with African countries. In this regard, in 2017, Turkey, in the city of Antalya, organized for the first time the “Forum of Agriculture Ministers in Turkey and Africa Agricultural Business”, and Ankara concluded deals with six African countries in the field of agriculture, fishing, and livestock. This event, during which the parties concerned discussed food security, nutrition, financing, credit opportunities, agricultural industry and developments with the aim of improving cooperation between Turkey and Africa, 40 ministers of agriculture from 54 countries of Africa to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the African Union Commission (7) . This joint executive project of the Turkish Agency for Cooperation and Coordination Offices (TIKA), affiliated with the Turkish official Development Agency in Africa, provides agricultural tools, seeds, fertilizers and pesticides for local farmers in order to improve their agricultural capabilities.

On the other hand, the aid provided for development and humanitarian affairs is also one of the main pillars of the Turkish presence on the continent due to the large development gap between Africa, the remainder of the world. For example, access to clean water and electricity remains a distant dream for millions of Africans on the continent. In this regard, Turkey pays special attention to development projects on the continent. The Turkish Agency for Cooperation and Coordination "TICA" coordination offices in 22 African countries, and Turkish non -governmental civil society organizations are active in providing development and humanitarian aid in Africa, where they funded school building projects, Quranic writers, hospitals and medical clinics of various sizes.

In the context of Turkey's support for development projects, the state of Somalia can provide a good example of the study. Despite the internal conflicts and the deadly famine in the country, the Turkish intervention in Somalia, in 2011, was with humanitarian motives; Since then, Turkey has implemented a large number of development projects in Somalia. For example, Turkey has the largest military training center and the largest embassy complex in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, which was destroyed by the war. Turkish companies are also managing the main maritime port and the largest airport in Mogadishu, who generate 80% of the total revenues of the Somali government (8). On another level, Turkey has contributed $ 2.4 million to reduce Somalia debts at the International Monetary Fund. As for militarily, the Turkish armed forces provide Somali national forces with various exercises in Mogadishu and in Turkey, alike. In the health field, the Turkish health ministries and the Somali Ministry of Health are managed together, the largest hospital complex in the Horn of Africa, called the Erdogan Hospital for Training and Research.

On the occasion of Turkish health diplomacy in the African continent, it is not limited to Somalia, the Turkish Health Minister and its Sudanese counterpart, which together is a regional complex for hospitals in the Sudanese region of Darfur, and it is the hospital complex that the Turkish Agency for Cooperation and Coordination also built.Also in this context, other examples of Turkish support for the health sector in the African continent, including the Maitika Military Hospital in the Libyan capital, Tripoli, which is run by the Turkish armed forces (9).

The education sector has become an important element in supporting Turkey to develop the capabilities of youth in Africa and the development of their skills. The Turkish state runs, through the Maariv Foundation, 175 schools in various cities of 26 countries on the continent, and in recent years, Turkey has made a greater number of scholarship opportunities for African students and provided them with a free high education in the master's and doctorate stages. According to sources available to the public, about 15,000 African students have received a full scholarship from the Turkish state since 1992, noting that most of these grants have been in recent years. As an alternative to European higher education destinations, African students prefer Turkish universities. According to the presidential data of the Turks abroad and relevant societies, 5.259 students from African countries benefited from the Turkish scholarship program during the period between 2010-2019, while 1,147 African students obtained scholarships in 2019 alone. Moreover, the Yunus Emery Institute in Turkey owns ten cultural centers on the continent organizing training courses in the field of language and cultural exchange programs.

At the media level, Turkey established a continental office for the Anatolia News Agency in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. This step came as an attempt to overcome the dependence of the Turkish media and its full approval, as it imports it from news and images coming from Africa, as it gets from various Western media channels such as BBC, CNN, France 24, the French News Agency, and Reuters. This trend has resulted in good results, as Turkish media companies have become present in Addis Ababa, Dakar, Nairobi, Johannesburg, Cape Town, Khartoum and Aboja, and provide distinct media content. In addition, the Anatolia News Agency is organizing training programs for African journalists that combine practice and theoretical lectures in the field of journalism and digital media.

On another level, Turkey's adventure on the African continent has reached the point of accessing the field of security and military cooperation as well. In this context, the Turkish armed forces implement training programs for the National Armed Forces in Libya and Somalia; This is while Turkish forces joined peacekeeping missions in the Central and Mali Africa. As for the great achievements achieved by Turkey at the level of peace and security achieved, the example of Turkey's construction can be a military training center, under the name of Turksom, in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, at a cost of $ 50 million, and the Turkish training center provides training for the Somali National Army and the elements of the African Union mission in Somalia to help them develop their combat skills in the face of youth organization. According to the Turkish ambassador to Mogadishu, more than 15,000 Somali military forces have been trained so far by Turkish military personnel since the center began its activities in 2017. Moreover, Turkey has also provided special training for some of the Somali army units in the Turkish city of Esparta (10). In 2018, Turkey announced its support for the G-5 coast force, which consists of five countries that fight terrorism and human trafficking in the Sahel region of $ 5 million. Later, the G5 coastal force signed a defensive deal during the Turkish International Defense Exhibition, which was held in Istanbul (11).

Turkey continued to provide support to Africa, during the spread of the Corona epidemic, as it set up an air bridge and walked a large number of flights that carried medical materials to various countries of the continent. During the spread of the Corona epidemic, Turkey has provided an emergency health aid to a number of African countries, including South Africa, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, Mozambique, Botswana, Rwanda, Namibia and the Kingdom of Swatini (formerly Swaziland), Zambia, Angola and South Sudan. In this regard, Turkey has sent air shipments carrying masks, oxen, and other necessary medical materials, to help many African countries fight the Corona virus. Regarding the production of protective medical masks at the local level, the state -run Turkish aid agency has sent sewing machines and fabrics to Mozambique and the Kingdom of Aswini to manufacture masks (12). Despite the restrictions imposed on the movement of individuals and closures due to the epidemic, Turkish non -governmental organizations managed to provide aid to African countries to help them confront the epidemic.

Returning to the past two decades, it appears that Turkey's new foreign policy in Africa can be divided into two main phases: in the first stage that started in 2005, Turkey implemented an initiative towards Africa to introduce itself within the continent.As for the second stage, which followed in 2014, it witnessed Turkey's endeavor to strengthen its institutions and partnerships in Africa during the adoption of the policies of the Turkish-African partnership (13).And here is Turkey today, hosting the summit of the third Turkish-African partnership, from which it is expected to lay the foundations of Turkey's future on the continent from now on.

As a strategic partner of the African Union since 2008, Turkey's approach to Africa is usually formed through mutual declarations contained in the two Turkish-African partnerships and was accepted from the Turkish and African sides.Thus, Turkey is advancing in Africa, according to joint implementation plans that the parties accepted and signed during the Turkish-African partnership conferences.Certainly there is a strong interdependence between what Turkey is actually implemented on the ground and what is framed by the partnership summits advertisements of Turkey's contributions to the continent.

There is no mirror in the fact that Turkey did not show, throughout the Republican era, a good performance in the African continent except in light of the rule of the Justice and Development Party, which took power in 2002. However, there is no room to confirm that Turkey's approach to Africa is completely successful and that it is moving forward without any obstacles There are great challenges to Turkey's policy in Africa, which are raised by local and international issues. On the first one, the internal political and economic stability of Turkey plays a crucial role in the continued involvement of Turkey in Africa, because human development and aid are still the most powerful fields for Turkey in the continent. On the other hand, we find that forces such as France, Russia, China and the United Arab Emirates challenge the strong Turkish presence in Africa because of its strategic fears.

However, with a number of challenges, the main indicator of Turkey's policy in Africa is the interaction between Turkey and Africa, which has been developing between the two parties in the past decade. The Turkish presence in Africa today is more clear and has more clearly draws the attention of the Africans. For example, 37 African countries have opened their embassies in Ankara, and today we find thousands of African students studying in Turkey. As for work, education, trade, investment or tourism, Africans now prefer Turkey as a new attraction. We also notice an increase in the numbers of Somali, Sudanese, Egyptian, Tunisian, Senegalese communities, and even Nigerian day by day inside Turkey. If we talk about Turkey's rise in Africa, it is also fact that we also emphasize the rise of African Turkey.

China has developed its relations in Africa and filled the void left by the decline in Western influence, and given the size of Western fears of this situation, Western theorists are heading to adopt a discourse urging Western policy makers to be aware that the voids left by their withdrawal from Africa will fill in China by seeking to develop relations in Africa.

Compared to its past practices, Chinese diplomacy is already a new face;As China was focusing before the eighties on preserving national security.With the eighties until the beginning of this century, the focus has become an excellent environment for economic growth.Now China is focusing on having a more effective share in international affairs, and that any responsible force must be played on the basis of serving security interests and moving between it and those related to growth.Rather, playing the role of the responsible force requires the benefit of multilateral mechanisms and starting with multilateral diplomacy (1).

China is based on consolidating its regional international relations network on a "ethical/political/political" package formed in its entirety "soft power".Soft Power is what makes China enter into partnerships that are not restricted by a specific time agenda, but in a strategic perspective it achieves a high degree of effectiveness and efficacy in achieving its goals.

During the last three decades, China managed to strengthen rapprochement with African countries, and relied on what is called "soft diplomacy", which is the deepest types of diplomacy in the world, and benefited from Western failures in Africa, so it adopted tools that move away from the solid force (armed power), such asCulture, political values, economic and diplomatic relations that can make a great superpower.

During the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), and under the influence of the radical revolutionary ideology, China provided many assistance to Africa, and aid included the creation of the railway plan between Tanzania and Zambia, as China provided a loan of 988 million yuan at zero interest. Foreign aid projects contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relations between a group of African countries and China, as 19 African countries established diplomatic relations with China during the cultural revolution, which included Equatorial Guinea (1970), Ethiopia (1970), Nigeria (1971), and Cameroon (1971), Sierra Leone (1971), Rwanda (1971), Senegal (1971), Mauritius (1972), Togo (1972), Madagascar (1972), Chad (1972), Guinea Bissau (1974), Gabon (1974), and Niger (1974) , Betswana (1975), Mozambique (1975), Moral Islands (1975), Green Ras (1976), and SiCill (1976). By the mid -1980s, political efforts and aid for Beijing have contributed to establishing diplomatic ties with 44 African countries (2).

In this paper, we try to stand on the mechanisms of Chinese dealing with the African continent within the industry of the adaptation of the political and security geography of the Chinese economic vision, according to the approach of soft power.

First: Soft power as an introduction to the relationship, expansion and multiple partnerships

Joseph Nai defined the soft power as the ability to attract, not by force, oppression, military threat and economic pressure, nor by paying bribes and providing money to purchase support and loyalty, but by gravity and making others want what you want, and that strength is more than just persuasion or the ability toConclusion of the argument, even if this is part of it, but the ability to attract often leads to compliance.Likewise, it is the ability to form the perceptions of others, their weights, their options, and the schedules of their business, through identification, for example, that their political agenda is far from reality (3).

The soft power is the power of voluntary cooperation, that is, the ability to form what others want, and influence them towards achieving the objectives and goals of the perpetrator, without any explicit threat, swap or offering.

Therefore, the experience of China in the successful enrollment in riding development if it continues, will become a turning point for the global economy, not only because of the size of China as a region or its population, but rather as the first precedent in history, in which a successful model in economic development is based on a large scaleTo a rooted economic model, not of a Western nature.According to this vision, China adopts its strategic alliances.

Ferthen has determined three aspects of China's economic plan that can be examples of developing countries in general and Africa specifically (4):

الالتزام بالتنمية هدفًا وطنيًّا.
التأكيد على تطوير البنية التحتية.
التجريب والمرونة في السياسات السياسية.

China followed the partnership approach in its relations in a way that exceeded other major countries, it has 50 partnerships, and this is due to a number of reasons, including:

انخرطت الصين في العولمة في مرحلة متأخرة وكان عليها أن تنغمس فيها في مجالات عديدة ومع أطراف كثيرة في العالم.
Partnership بوابة تتلاءم مع البيئة الدولية لما بعد الحرب الباردة، بحيث أصبح التعاون والتنافس أدوات إدارة السياسة الدولية.
يعتمد نهوض الصين السلمي على تهيئة بيئة مستقرة وسلمية للمدى البعيد، وPartnership هي الاستراتيجية الأفضل لبلوغ هذا الهدف.
تعرض الصين نفسها بأن شراكتها جيواقتصادية، ولن يترتب عليها مقدمات إقامة تحالفات ضد أي طرف.
أظهرت الصين توجهًا ملحوظًا في سياساتها وتصريحاتها بأن النظام الدولي القائم لا يستجيب إلى التطورات الجذرية التي وقعت في السياسة الدولية بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة. ومن خلال مقارنة Partnership الاستراتيجية بوصفها قوة ناعمة صينية سيكون في وسع الصين حشد التأييد وإشاعة ممارسة السياسة الدولية في إطار الشراكات الاستراتيجية السلمية عوضًا عن الأحلاف والتكتلات العسكرية الأمنية بل بتكتلات اقتصادية ينتفع منها جميع الأطراف.
لم يكن نهوض الصين بالتنمية السلمية دون معوقات استراتيجية، كحاجتها إلى الموارد بخاصة الطاقة والتقنية الحديثة والسوق والاستثمارات، ولكي تتغلب عليها أخذت بمقاربة القوة الناعمة بصيغة Partnership؛ فكانت مع القوى الاقتصادية الكبرى أول الأمر ثم توسعت إلى الدول النامية.
أكد القادة والباحثون الصينيون أن الصين ينبغي أن ترقى إلى منزلة القوة الكبرى في هيكل توزيع القوة عالميًّا وأن ما حققته من تقدم في التنمية يؤهلها لاعتلاء هذه المنزلة، ولتحقيق ذلك تعمد الصين إلى خيار القوة الناعمة في سياق الشراكات(5).

The African continent is of great importance in the Chinese perception of soft policy and partnership strategy; The African continent overlooks ruling sites represented in the Strait of Gibraltar, the Suez Canal, and Ras al -Rajaa, in addition to the islands surrounding the continent and overlooking the Atlantic and Indian Ocean. The northern and northeastern part of the continent has gained importance in its control of the civil and military civil transportation movement between the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, and in return, the western and southwest part gained importance in contacting the movement of navigation coming from the American continent and the Far East; This constitutes an attractive factor for all the great economic and military forces and compete for Africa (6).

African countries receive Chinese investment with a welcome, due to the attractiveness of the Chinese development model, and that China has achieved great and rapid successes that developing countries want to copy their experience. China has a huge cash stock of approximately 3 trillion dollars (3000 billion dollars). These massive financial resources are directed in large part of Chinese investments abroad, which extend in all fields long and width in energy, agriculture, mining, construction and segmental: trade, services, treatment of resources, manufacturing and commercial logistical support This process is supervised by the (import and export bank), this state banking institution, which plays a fundamental role in giving loans to African governments, which suggests granting these loans through preferential conditions. In parallel, negotiations are being negotiated with public works contracts where energy and minerals take the head of Chinese economic priorities, so China depends on its expansion in the joints of the economy in Africa on several state -owned companies. In the field of primary resources and energy there is the China Energy Company through the exploitation of petroleum fields in Africa With appropriate conditions to ensure its flow to the active Chinese economy engines (7).

China has encouraged African exports to the Chinese market and to export to other regions of the world by creating a permanent exhibition of African goods in the city of "Yiu" in the MouC Province;Where more than 1000 Africans reside permanently, with the aim of encouraging the marketing of African products, helping African companies and merchants to benefit from the Chinese market, and enhancing transit trade and raising the reputation of African products in China (8).

Since 2020, the volume of Chinese consulting in Africa exceeded more than 2% of the volume of US consultations, and the number of Chinese companies active in Africa has been 200 companies, but these numbers increased in 2020, as the number of Chinese companies exceeded approximately 10,000 institutions (9).

Second: Africa and China: the economic and security dimension in the relationship

One of the most important goals of China's African strategy is the formation of a majority of advocacy for China in the United Nations, with the aim of blocking the way for anti -China decisions submitted by the West, especially those decisions regarding the human rights field. China has worked to exploit some African issues to enhance its presence on the international stage and took advantage of the international void that the African continent began to live after the decline in French influence on the one hand and the collapse of the bilateral polarity on the other hand to present itself as an alternative to the West as a force that can represent a protector of African countries and it is at the time His eye does not interfere in issues related to democracy, but this policy is not without charge. China was asking the African support for its foreign policy and its demands to define the maritime economic areas in the South China Sea.

The UN dimension remains the most fundamental factor in China's African relations, as it is not only related to the number of Africans in the organization, but also the effectiveness of African countries; With the beginning of the current century, the issue of voting on human rights issues in the international body - especially the decisions that Western powers against China - represented the most important issues that concern the Chinese administration. The international effectiveness of Africa was not limited to this issue, but new facts emerged that confirmed the importance of African vote: such as the issue of the United Nations reform and the possibility of Japan to enter the UN Security Council. Thus, the African continent has witnessed a real diplomatic battle between Beijing and Tokyo.

One of the American officials stressed the importance of the African role in supporting the Chinese international policy;In a document published by the WikiLeaks website on the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Johnny Carson, during a meeting with representatives of oil companies in Lagos, the Nigerian capital, as saying: One of the reasons behind the Chinese presence on the African scene is to ensure the voices of African countries at the United Nations.

Tsang Bao Tasing, a researcher at the West Asia and Africa Institute at the Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, acknowledges the positive role of African countries in disrupting all the United Nations Western projects that relate to human rights in China;So that he says: From the 1990s, some Western countries presented the so -called human rights situation in China over seven consecutive years to the United Nations to interfere in the internal affairs of China under the pretext of the human rights problem and the project leave was not achieved at any time, thanks to the support of developing countries and from themAfrican countries.

In June 2021, the Canadian Institute for Defense and Foreign Affairs issued a report entitled "The Strategic Behavior of China", written by the researcher at the center "Eleneor Sloan", a professor of international relations at the Department of Political Science at the University of Carlton;The report is at the heart of the researcher, whose many interests and research are concentrated in the areas of defense policy, American and Canadian military capabilities, in addition to national security, ballistic missile defense, NATO, and peacekeeping operations.

The importance of the report lies in that it reviews the Chinese behavior by focusing on the wide strategic vision, as it defines or is affected by this behavior, by dealing with the political, economic and military dimensions composed of the Chinese strategic perspective, or those influencing its formulation (10).

In a report issued by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), entitled "The development of Chinese military diplomacy from exchanging visits to the distribution of vaccines", the writer "Mia Nownez" touched on the great role played by the Chinese People's Liberation Army, in responding and confronting the new Corona virus;Which is glorified from its increasing role in diplomatic activities, and how this role has evolved from exchanging visits and military maneuvers to the distribution of vaccines, and to the text of the report:

The report stated that the role of the Chinese national army in Chinese foreign policy in the past was a limited or marginal role.But at the present time, and in light of the growing and active role of Chinese foreign policy;The role of the Chinese army in national diplomacy has grown and reached new horizons in the context of confronting the Corona virus's pandemic, all to serve strategic goals.

The great and active role of the Chinese army in dealing with the Corona virus crisis came in a major diplomatic context that Beijing played to improve its international image after its late first response and misdemeanor after the outbreak of the epidemic.

The writer indicates that the Chinese military diplomacy of the Chinese army began dealing with the outbreak of the Corona virus in March 2020, when the Chinese People's Liberation Army sent protective equipment and clothing to the Islamic Republic of Iran, and in February 2021, the Chinese army began donating the "Coffeed-Coffee-"19 ”For other countries abroad, specifically some African partners.

Between March 2020 and April 2021, the Chinese Liberation Army provided military medical assistance and donations to 56 countries around the world, as well as its aid to the United Nations international peacekeeping missions.

The military diplomatic activities of the People's Liberation Army with regard to the Corona virus also show that the army will play a greater role in China's foreign diplomacy, in line with the instructions of Chinese President Xi Jinping (11).

By 2021, the Chinese dragon began to reveal its teeth, and Beijing has given great attention to a strategic context in which the priority of its foreign policy is based on security and defense issues.

In 2015, the Chinese white book stated that while the general external environment was generally favorable, it stressed that China has a "great task to protect its national fabric, its territorial integrity and development interests", in the face of the increasing external challenges.

In the same year, Chinese President Xi Jinping played a new and more specific role for military diplomacy.According to Shi, military diplomacy should support comprehensive national foreign policy, protect national security, sovereignty, development issues, and work to promote military construction.He explained that military diplomacy must be in line with the correct political trend in which the state is moving.

Since 2008, cooperation and Chinese army have grown to include humanitarian aid, disaster relief operations, peacekeeping operations, academic exchanges with foreign armies, and high -level meetings with foreign military leaders (12).

China has also provided economic and technical support to a number of African countries in many economic, technical and infrastructure fields;Since 2006, China has built more than 100 schools, 30 hospitals, 30 malaria combating centers and 20 centers to display agricultural technology in Africa (13).

The temporary strategic guide for American national security revealed the general features of the directions of the new American administration, in which China had the lion's share, in terms of its widespread strategic threat to the United States, highlighted by the document in detail, unlike global threats such as the Corona and the issue of climate change.

The document recently published by the White House, and 45 days after President Joe Biden assumed the ruling, it revealed general guidelines for national security and outline of the challenges facing the United States, and stressed that the fate of America has become more linked than ever before the events that occur outside, and focusedOn the pillars of the new US administration in its foreign policy, starting from the central axis of "promoting democracy all over the world".

The document defined a number of thorny issues facing the United States, including the rise of the competing forces, specifically Russia and China, and stipulated that the United States "must be the future of the world order as this is an urgent necessity now." I also mentioned that Washington "will not hesitate to use force when needed in order to defend its interests." This is at a time when the strategy dealt with the issues and crises of the Middle East as among the priority files. She expressed an interest in working to solve crises peacefully (14). In this regard, it is possible to refer to some notes that confirm the role of the Chinese army in Africa (15).

China has been able to strengthen its economic relations with Africa through the China-Africa Cooperation Forum, which was established at the initiative of Beijing in 2000 and included forty-six African countries, and one of its most important achievements is to drop 1.2 billion dollars from the debts of the continent.There is also the China-Africa Business Council established in November 2004 with the aim of supporting Chinese private sector investments in Cameroon, Ghana, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa and Tanzania, and the mutual trade between China and Africa currently increases thirty billion dollars.

The Chinese company "Sinopk" also created a pipeline with a length of one thousand five hundred kilometers to transfer oil production to the port of Port Sudan on the Red Sea and from it to the oil tankers heading to China.

In Chad, Chinese companies have obtained oil investments, although the regime in Najamina has diplomatic relations in Taiwan, but economic interests above the principle of (unified China) that China adheres to and sets it as a ruler of its international relations.

China is seeking to penetrate the oil -rich Bay of Guinea and compete with the United States of America for oil investments, and it has already succeeded in reserving a foothold in Angola, Nigeria, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea (17).

China is involved in two basic types of "partnership diplomacy" in the Middle East and North Africa: strategic partnerships and comprehensive strategic partnership.According to a study study on Chinese partnership diplomacy, relations between the two partner countries are characterized by strategic partnerships with the following four characteristics:

تتخطي العلاقات الدبلوماسية النموذجية، فتتضمن اجتماعات ثابتة بين المسؤولين الحكوميين والوكالات الحكومية لتنمية التواصل والثقة.
لا تقع ضمن حدود التحالفات القائمة على المعاهدات.
يحركها “الهدف” أكثر مما يحركها “التهديد”، فتركز إجمالًا على مجالات التعاون المتبادل في الاقتصاد والثقافة والأمن والتكنولوجيا.
تتميز بتركيزها على السلوك والعمليات المؤسساتية.

Compared to strategic partnerships, comprehensive strategic partnerships include a higher level of institutional communication, including regular high -level meetings between the leading members of both partners.Struger is noted that it is worth fulfilling three conditions before the conclusion of an agreement on a "comprehensive strategic partnership", which are political confidence, dense economic ties, cultural exchanges and good relations in other sectors.

It should be noted that China signed memoranda of understanding about the Belt and Road Initiative with a number of Middle Eastern and African countries, such as North African countries, specifically Algeria, Morocco and Egypt, but it has not held an official partnership with some other countries such as Tunisia and Libya.

From 2012 to July 2016

Country	the year	Partnership
Algeria	2014	Comprehensive strategic partnership
Egypt	2014	Comprehensive strategic partnership
Iran	2016	Comprehensive strategic partnership
Iraq	2015	Strategic partnership
Jordan	2015	Strategic partnership
Morocco	2016	Strategic partnership
Diameter	2014	Strategic partnership
Kingdom Saudi Arabia	2016	Comprehensive strategic partnership
Britain	2012	Strategic partnership

According to Chinese diplomats, "exchange exchanges" is an essential element in the Belt and Road Initiative, with brown and shipping projects not only aimed at improving trade and investment, but also the movement of people.In this regard, they stress the need to consider the Belt and Road Initiative as a way to re -put the concept of the old "Silk Road" on the map of contemporary society;As one of the diplomats said: “The image that comes to mind is to communicate between different civilizations ... When we say: The Silk Road, we mean the path of peace” (18).

Third: The concept of peaceful ascension and the position of Africa in Chinese politics

انشغلت القيادة الصينية طيلة فترة التسعينات من القرن الماضي بالبحث عن وسيلة لتحييد نفسها عن الرادار الأميركي خاصة في الفترة بين حرب الخليج الثانية (1990-1991) وحرب يوغسلافيا (1999). وتوصل الصينيون فيما بعد إثر الحرب التي شنَّتها أميركا على أفغانستان (2001) وIraq (2003) إلى مفهوم الصعود السلمي.

The theory of peaceful ascending “China” appeared in the year 2003, and the Chinese strategic political advisor “Zeng Bijian”, whose name was ranked 44th in the list of the best 100 world thinkers issued by the Foreign Policy magazine in December 2010. Then a return took place Use of the same term and the same concept by both the Secretary -General of the Communist Party of China, “Ho Jintao” and his deputy, Prime Minister “Win Jiabaw”, in the year 2004, proposing that the concept of “peaceful ascension” is an official component of China's foreign policy, on several occasions Perhaps the most prominent of which is the session of the National Council of Chinese People's Representatives in March 2004; Where it was suggested that the concept of "peaceful ascension" refer to five main elements, which are:

أن تستفيد الصين من السلام العالمي لتعزيز التنمية في البلاد، في مقابل أن تساعد هي على تحصين السلام العالمي من خلال ما تحققه من تنمية.
الاعتماد على قدرات الصين الذاتية فقط وعلى الجهد الكبير والمستقل المبذول من قبلها.
الاستمرار في سياسة الانفتاح والقواعد الفاعلة للتجارة الدولية والتبادل التجاري كضمان لتحقيق هذا الهدف.
الأخذ بعين الاعتبار أن تحقيق هذا المفهوم “الصعود السلمي” سيتطلب أجيالًا متعددة وسنين عديدة.
أثناء السعي لتحقيق هذا الهدف، لن يتم الوقوف بطريق أية دولة أو تعريض أية دولة أخرى للخطر كما لن ينجز على حساب أية أمة.

When the concept of "peaceful ascension" was formulated, the Chinese believed that they needed at least 45 years, that is, until 2050 until they reached a major country in the international system.But the rapid transition of power from the west to east in wealth and in influence in the past few years led to a rapid burning of the stages, which began to affect the equation of "peaceful ascension", especially with regard to:

التسارع في انحدار القوة الأميركية بوتيرة أكبر مما كان متوقعًا أيضًا: فقد شهدت الولايات المتحدة منذ هجمات 11 سبتمبر/أيلول 2001، تراجعًا مهولًا في قوتها على الصعيد العالمي، وقد كان من الواضح مع نهاية عهد بوش الابن أواخر العام 2008 أن حروب أفغانستان (2001) وIraq (2003) قد اختبرت حدود القوة الأميركية، فقضت على ما بقي من الهيمنة الأميركية المباشرة.

ونتيجة للخسائر العسكرية والمالية؛ حيث كلَّفت حرب Iraq وحدها الولايات المتحدة أكثر من 3 تريليونات دولار استنادًا إلى دراسة أجراها كل من “جوزيف ستيغلتز” من جامعة كولومبيا والحائز على جائزة نوبل للاقتصاد و”ليندا بلميز” من جامعة هارفارد، وقعت واشنطن في مأزق اقتصادي تبعته عاصفة الأزمة المالية العالمية التي أكملت على ما تبقى من قوة وسمعة للاقتصاد الأميركي. وفي السياق ذاته بدأ التسارع في الصعود الصيني بوتيرة أسرع مما كان متوقعًا؛ مما خلق انطباعًا بأن التحول ليس تدريجيًّا وأنه قد يؤدي إلى صدمة على الصعيد الدولي(19).

Fourth: Security and Peace Conservation is the focus of the China-Africa relationship

China is today the first country in Africa in terms of numbers provided to the peacekeeping force under the auspices of the United Nations, thus different from the other permanent members of the Security Council, and this does not mean, of course, the presence of permanent military bases for China in Africa, as is the case for France, for example, which have rules A major military in six African countries, and this does not necessarily embody Chinese military ambitions in Africa, this is what supports the image that you want to appear in Africa, as it used the right of veto to oppose international resolutions regarding China's allies as is the case in the Sudanese Darfur problem, by judgment Its interest in the oil stocks and oil exports of Sudan, Beijing opposed international efforts to impose a ban on African oil exports, and considering that Sudan is the most important ally of China in the East Africa was the most receiving of the Chinese peace forces, which amounted to three thousand soldiers in the international forces.

امتدتالصين في قضايا الأمن إلى دول جنوب الصحراء الإفريقية لل في عمليات حفظ السلام، وبرامج التبادل في عمليات نشر الجنود، في شهر أبريل/نيسان 2003، تم إرسال قرابة 175 جنديًّا من جيش التحرير الشعبي، وفريق طبي مؤلَّف من 42 شخصًا إلى جمهورية الكونغو الديمقراطية في مهمة لحفظ السلام مجهزين بحوالي 200 عربة عسكرية وشاحنات نقل المياه إلى ليبيريا، وكانت هذه أكبر عملية تشارك فيها الصين تحت لواء الأمم المتحدة منذ أن أرسلت 800 مهندس عسكري إلى كمبوديا في الفترة من 1992 إلى 1994، وأعادت مؤخرًا تأكيد عزمها على تقوية Military cooperation وبرامج تبادل البعثات مع إثيوبيا وليبيريا ونيجيريا والسودان.

In mid -2011, the number of peacekeeping forces in Africa in Africa reached 1550 police officers and 42 military experts.During the same period, South Sudan became the second region in Africa in terms of the number of China peacekeeping forces, and the Democratic Congo fell to the third rank after it was ranked second.

A look at the future of China-Africa relations

تتبع الصين سياسة نشيطة في Countryان الغنية بالموارد المعدنية، فهي الآن تعد أكبر مستهلك للنحاس في العالم(20).

And if the trade is one of the most important indicators of the development and durability of the relationship between any two international parties, then the growth of the trade exchange between the two sides, Chinese and African, is the best witness to the large batch that witnessed Chinese-African relations, then the volume of trade exchange between them was ten billion US dollars in a year 2000, in 2017, according to Chinese customs statistics, reached one hundred and seventy billion US dollars, including Chinese exports to Africa worth about 95 billion US dollars compared to African exports to China worth more than 75 billion US dollars, with China's trade surplus declining by 45 Almost % compared to 2016.

The 2018 Beijing Summit for the China-Africa Cooperation Forum comes after developments prepared for a broader cooperation between the two sides, especially in light of the "Belt and Road" initiative adopted by China and participated in many African countries, and in the wake of the "BRICS" summit in South Africa that were held under the title "Brex in Africa .. Cooperation for comprehensive growth and prosperity in the fourth industrial revolution.

At the Johannesburg Summit of the China-Africa 2015 Forum, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that his country and Africa have raised bilateral relations between them to a comprehensive strategic cooperation partnership and opening a new stage in the profitable cooperation of both parties and joint development. Xi also announced ten major plans to enhance the profitable cooperation of the two parties, and allocate sixty billion US dollars for development in Africa, stressing that his country is seeking to establish relations with African countries based on equality. In September 2015, Xi announced in the meetings of the United Nations General Assembly, the establishment of a fund to support the South-South cooperation and provide two billion US dollars for the first stage to support developing countries in implementing the post-2015 development agenda. China's investments twelve billion US dollars by 2030 (21).

عُقدت يوم الأربعاء، 17 يونيو/حزيران 2020، القمة الاستثنائية الصينية-الإفريقية بتقنية التواصل عن بعد، وقد شارك فيها عدة فاعلين دوليين في مقدمتهم الرئيس الصيني، شي جين بينغ، وعضو اللجنة الدائمة للمكتب السياسي للحزب الشيوعي، وانغ هو نينغ، وعدد من رؤساء الدول الإفريقية، منهم: عبد المجيد تبون، رئيس Algeria، وعبد الفتاح السيسي، رئيس Egypt، وسيريل رامافوزا، رئيس جنوب إفريقيا، وماكي صال، رئيس السنغال. كما حضر القمة فيلكس تشيسيكيدي والرئيس الغابوني، بونجو أونديمبا، وأوهورو كينياتا، إضافة إلى رئيس النيجيري، محمد بخاري، ورئيس رواندا، بول كاجامي، ورئيس النيجر، محمد إيسوفر، وإيمرسون منانجانجوا، رئيس زيمبابوي، ورئيس وزراء إثيوبيا، آبي أحمد، وممثل عن الاتحاد الإفريقي، ورئيس المفوضية الإفريقية، موسي فقي محمد. وعلى المستوى الدولي، حضر كل من الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة، أنطونيو غوتيريش، والمدير العام لمنظمة الصحة العالمية، تيدروس أدهانوم غيبريسوس، ضيفين خاصَّين.

The summit agenda dealt with several emerging and urgent issues, especially the Chinese-African solidarity to combat the Corona epidemic, activating economic relations and stimulating the investment and trade movement between the two parties, as well as Chinese interest and its invitation to resolve armed conflicts in a peaceful way.

The current health crisis, or what is known as the Korona 19, has acquired the overall works of the summit, and the lion's share has taken directly as it directly affects global health security, as this extraordinary summit aims to enhance global solidarity in the face of the epidemic.In this regard, the Chinese president presented a number of proposals to confront Corona represented by:

China claims that its direction to the African continent carries a human dimension, or that China sees it in the category of international responsibilities centered on helping the backward or developing African countries to reach the state of progress and stability.

Chinese international responsibilities towards Africa have three manifestations:

In its African policy, China is pursuing the policy of unconditional development and investment aids on the continent, despite international criticism of that strategy in return.African markets provide great opportunities for Chinese companies as Chinese activities in Africa contribute to reviving economic activity in the continent, especially since there are no other vital foreign interests at the present time.

A statistic of the Research Center "Bio Global" entitled "China's influence is more positive than America's influence" indicates the superiority of the Chinese influence on the American on the African continent, and described it as more positive, and the differences in the percentage of excellence between the whole United States and China have ranged from the latter between (Sahel Ivory and Uganda) 42%, while the Chinese influence decreases in front of its American counterpart in both Nigeria to 63% compared to 64% for America, which represented a team of 1% and Ghana 59% for the benefit of China and 64% for the benefit of America (the teams 5%), while the largest percentage reached I looked at American influence more positively than Chinese influence with the Ugandans 59% for the benefit of the United States and 47% for China and the difference is 12% (23).

China has maintained strong economic and commercial cooperation with Africa despite the outbreak of Corona's epidemic, as bilateral trade set a record from January to September 2021;The trade increased by 32.2% on an annual basis to reach 185.2 billion US dollars, and Chinese direct investments in Africa amounted to $ 2.55 billion in the first nine months of 2021, an increase of 9.9%.

Chinese companies also signed contracts worth $ 53.5 billion with Africa, and their revenues reached $ 26.9 billion as the largest partner for Africa for a period of 12 continuous (24).

China is moving with an integrated matrix that is formed from elements linking (economics, security, culture and politics), and Africa is the continent in which the Chinese giant has maneuvered in its soft diplomacy with great comfort, as the qualitative jump in the size of Chinese investment in Africa, the growing Chinese peacekeepers in Africa, and African coordination- is the growth of the Chinese peace in Africa, and African coordination- The Chinese in issues of integration, security and crises are increasing at the pace of the formation of both the American and European moves. It appears that the policy of the Chinese peaceful escalation is re -read and formulated with the second decade of the twenty -first century and the international forces will find the same competing political surrounding after a radical rise in an escalating and accelerating way, which will facilitate the dominance of the Chinese dragon over the market and the African square.

Given the size of European and American concerns, Western theorists tend to adopt a speech urging American and European policy makers to be aware that the voids left by their withdrawal from North Africa - specifically - will fill China and seeks to develop the relations of the "sponsor/client" more with the countries of the region, and with the continentAfrican as a whole.

باتت فرنسا ملزمة بانتهاج سياسة إفريقية جديدة قوامها Partnership، وهو أمر بعيد المنال مع نخبة فرنسية مسيطِرة ومحكومة بحسابات مشهد انتخابي يتحكم في خيوطه ناخب فرنسي منجذب نحو خطاب اليمين المتطرف، مع أن فرنسا لا تحتاج إلى مزيد من التطرف في علاقتها مع إفريقيا.

In its recent version, which was organized by Paris, on October 6, 2021, turned between its president Macron, youth and African civil society leaders, to a strong public trial, pleadings and rulings against colonial France.

The African youth found a wide saying, so they heard the French president what he could not hear, and they spoke with pain and anger about the history of the relationship between their countries and their French colonizers.

Among the painful outputs of the conference, the recognition of the French President, Macron, that the relationship between Paris and African countries should take a new face, and that there are multiple mistakes.

After the summit, how did all this African anger flow to express itself in the heart of France?And on which political or cultural beach is now anchored to France's relationship with its previous colonies in Africa?What extent is on the horizon of this relationship that is deeply striking in history and erosion now in the spaces of the future?

France and Africa: History and present under the roof of colonialism

The relationship between France and Africa extends in the depths of time, on the banks of three centuries or more of direct colonialism, and the place of the place is also the largest occupation as the largest between the countries and the empires that have shared the brown continent since the Berlin Conference, in 1884, which distributed the brown continent between the influence of international powersI settled in it two or more centuries before that.

In conscience, culture, history and identity, France in Africa has a strong influencing presence, most of the recent past, and is still influential in the future, holding the reins of the present.

The French colonial legacy and influence in Africa have been founded on basic pillars, the most important of which are: political administration, economic control and cultural alienation.

It is not possible to separate the present French -African influence from the era of colonialism, which was established in its shadows, and it was a resonance and an inevitable result of its policies during that period, and the most prominent features of this foundation:

In the south of the continent, France quickly put the hand on the tropical countries of Africa, Chad, Congo and Gabon, as it seized on the land of Central Africa, and established a colonial system full of crimes and intended looting of wealth.

The pillars of this occupation have provided the cruelty of the French and their multiple crimes in large areas of the continent, so they wrote the history of the occupation with the lines of massacres, which killed thousands of national and religious elites in Africa, in addition to the cultural colonialism that dealt with African peoples with superiority and superiority, providing French soldiers and monks on They are the messengers of civilization, and the angels of progress, who will baptize the primitive and brutal peoples, and bring them to the fold of civilization for the first time. Thus, integration of the continent, the power of terrorism, the cruelty of flame, the violence of cultural anesthesia and religious preaching that aimed to modify the beliefs of Africans, and extended the Christianity in a region that was historically distributed between Islam and ancient African pagan religions.

France had no need to bow to the revolutionary storm, and thus worked to establish the elite of disagreement that would lead political rule and manage the joints of life in the French African countries.

For the post-formal independence administration, the French President, Charles de Gaulle, was keen during the mid-1940s to establish an African-French union, in which France has the longitudinal hand and strong representation.Thus, Africans entered the French Parliament from 1946 until African independence at the beginning of the sixties (1).

Degul has reshaped the French vision towards Africa through the "France Africa" project prepared by his chief adviser, Jack Foukar, who deserved the title of the new French colonial father of Africa.The "France Africa" project has employed a lever for the new French policy towards Africa, which was based on the triangle of colonialism, economic attrition, and civilizational alienation (2).

Formo independence: post -colonial industry

The Second World War did not end, except after it ignited the flameThe mid -forties and the beginning of the sixties, through the manufacture and preparation of post -independence heads and rulers.

France has strongly managed to get rid of some national and revolutionary regimes with a socialist soul that ruled countries from the continent during the sixties, as happened, for example, in Cote d'Ivoire, when France and its agents eliminated the African revolutionMubasher is harmonious in many of his practices and orientations with the colonial goals of France (3).

The African continent has witnessed more than 200 coup attempts during its sixties, and France was mostly planning, care and support.

In the books of contemporary African history, multiple red pages, from the French background coups, including, for example, the colonel's coup, Jean -Bidel Bocassa, in the Central African Republic, and this colonel has turned with time in the eyes of the French media into a brutal dictator, eating human meat,Dozens of horrific stories were woven around his brutality, before France intervened again and toppled him in a military coup, at the end of the eighties (5).

In Burkina Faso, France has sponsored the coup of its former soldier, Captain Sanjo Lamizana, to the elected president, Moise Bamago, and sponsored the coup of Captain Matthew Kirko, as a former former officer in the French -African battalion;He toppled President Hubert Maja.In Mali, Bamako was on a date with a French coup, planning and destination, when Colonel Musa Traore overthrew the Socialist President, Modipo Keita, and threw him in prison until his death.

In Mauritania, France was strongly present in the chain of coups in the country in 1978-1984-2005-2008, planning, care and support.

Finally, the military coup in Guinea Conakry (6) was a decree with French features, starting with his implementation from a former French army officer, to restore the interests of France after it threatened it with the growing rapprochement between the President Al -Matifa, Alfa Conde, Turkey and China in political, security and economic fields.There is no doubt that the military coups, the revolutions of palaces, and the assassinations are a traditional and continuous French style in dealing with the regimes of its old colonies, but France added another dimension, which is the expanded military operations, which strengthen the role of coups, and the power of fixed military bases.

Among the most prominent military operations carried out by France during the past decade, especially in the African Sahel region, is the Barkhan process, which was launched in August 2014 in the Sahel region, especially Mali, as well as the Serval operation, the Eberveh operation in Chad, and the Sangaris operation in Central Africa, in addition toThe expanded military operation in Libya, which had a fundamental role in overthrowing the regime of Colonel Gaddafi.

ملف شامل حول التنافس الدولي في إفريقيا: دوافعه وأطرافه وأبعاده

These operations perform thousands of French soldiers, distributed on multiple bases in a number of Sahel countries (7).

These operations, those stable bases, and French military crossing through the African atmosphere allowed the establishment of stable and fixed armies in the depth of the African continent.

There is no doubt that the political, security and military influence of France on the continent has achieved its regimes and Paris alike multiple political gains, and also brought her with multiple fears and crises.

The most prominent mutual gains

Perhaps the most prominent outcome that African regimes earned under the French cover is:

There is no doubt that all of these gains serve France at various levels, as keeping its friends in government is a fixed gain, and its support for fragile and skilled systems, or saving it to countries will not happen without a heavy price from their independence, identity, wealth, security and full sovereignty.

These gains were accompanied by multiple negatives, France has no longer the liberal progressive, but the days and crises revealed that France is a key factor in stabilizing backwardness and continuing the continuous African crises, and that the task of the rescue that France undertook in favor of fragile or dictatorships that have not been completed, and did not pay offIt eats it, but the fragile regimes increased erosion, and added new problems, but rather the screaming against France increased from the palaces that have long been attached to France an intellectual heart and a political template.

African economies under French power

Without Africa, France will be a marginal country, that is the painful truth that France avoids reaching, which it expressed clearly the late French President Jacques Chirac, at a rare moment of the moments of honesty among French politicians.

There is no intimidation or exaggeration, as France, which is classified among the first countries in energy production, depends in this important economic resource on African wealth, especially in Niger.

The French control in African economies is based on major colonial centies, the most prominent of which are:

Also, banks of 15 African countries are affiliated with an unfair partnership agreement for the French Central Bank, which maintains the deposits of these banks, in exchange for a high interest rate; Where France obliges its African partners to deposit 50% of its foreign currency reserves with the French Central Bank, and with a lower interest rate than what the rest of the monetary institutions give, and the French Central also controls the amount of the permissible withdrawals, so none of the African depositors can exceed the ceiling of 15% of The deposited assets, which gives France annual profits approximately $ 500 billion, according to multiple economic studies. Thus, the Africans pay the heavy royalties in exchange for their detention and profit from their money.

And if these agreements have achieved some relative stability for their central currencies and banks, and linking them to strong currency and critical institutions, they have greatly limited their ability to dispose of their assets or draw their monetary policies from their own reality and aspirations, especially since the French Central Bank is a permanent member of councilsThe administration of African banks referred to, has the right to veto, and also has the right to announce the currency reduction, and unilaterally (10).

These companies have turned into stand -alone countries within African countries, where they have their own power, work under the protection of French bases, and have their own airports and networks, control the bet and the futureFormer French Energy Minister Pierre Fuma, by saying: “The course between the discovery of oil in a region and the beginning of its production takes about eight years, and allowing changes in power every year that harms our energy interests, so we are always looking for stability” (11).

Some African regimes seeking to review these agreements have been a fundamental reason for France's move to topple it, or to dump it into political or social crises that bring him back to the Parisian embrace (12).

Former French Energy Minister Pierre Fuma explains France's vision of stability in Africa, which was alerted above (13).

To achieve this stability, Paris does not hesitate to support and consolidate the pillars of dictatorial regulations on the continent, and to strictly stand in the face of emerging democracies, nor in converting giant companies into security arms that manage armies of spies and agents and are deported by the French army brigades, in an explicit attack on the sovereignty, economy and African wealth (14).

Civilizational alienation: Francophone in the service of French influence

The cultural side occupies a high area of French colonial vision, but rather the DNA of Colonia, and France sees in the cultural affairs the way that enabled the Francophone, which is the civilizational doctrine of France, from:

وقد رافق هذا التمكين حرب شعواء على اللغة العربية التي ترى فيها فرنسا عدوًّا حضاريًّا لها، فحوصرت في مختلف بلدان إفريقيا، وخصوصًا Countryان ذات الأغلبية المسلمة والتاريخ الثقافي الاستعرابي الأصيل، كما هي الحال -على سبيل المثال- في موريتانيا والسنغال ومالي وتشاد والنيجر، وقد ارتكبت فرنسا جرائم حرب وعدوان ثقافي وحضاري وحشية شملت قتل العلماء وحرق المدارس والمكتبات ونهب مصادر الثقافة(15).

Francophone has made many gains, among them:

- Directing identity, conscience, and African public opinion, and converting French from an extraneous language into a single tongue of culture, education, thought and media.

- Cultural manufacturing towards France: African elites are often heading in its educational immigrant, and its political and economic resort to France, as it is the closest and emotional embrace to Africa.

- The arbitrary link between French and the Latkale: through the emergence of the Francophone elites at the forefront of the enmity of the Islamic identity of West African countries, and their permanent walk under the Francophone project, even if it appears armed with clear missionary pockets.

Despite all the efforts made by France and the money spent, the Francophone today is not okay, and the decline indicators are prominent in its performance, especially after it has emerged to maintain its catastrophic results on the French colonies, the most prominent of which are:

ورغم كل ذلك، فإن انسلاخ الفرنكفونية ولسانها الفرنسي من الوجدان والحياة الإفريقية مستبعد بل هو مستحيل، فقد تحولت الفرنسية منذ أمد طويل إلى “غنيمة حرب”، وفق تعبير الكاتب Algeriaي، كاتب ياسين، وتحولت مع الزمن إلى لغة التعبير الوحيدة عند النخب الإفريقية، وحتى أولئك الذين يرجمون باريس كل يوم بكل مفردات الغضب لا يجدون غير الفرنسية للتعبير عن هذا الغضب المتصاعد.

كما أن الفرنسية تحولت أيضًا إلى سور اجتماعي يتمترس خلفه بعض السياسيين الأفارقة من أجل تحقيق مصالحهم وحماية هوياتهم الضيقة، معتبرين الفرنسية الضامن الوحيد للمحاصصة الثقافية والسياسية في Countryان ذات العرقيات المختلفة، وخصوصًا ذات الأغلبيات العربية، كما هي الحال في موريتانيا وAlgeria، على سبيل المثال(17).

France and the new competitors in Africa

France's troubles in Africa are not limited to the failures produced by colonial abuse, the continuous attrition of economies and the permanent war of African identities and democracies, but rather the troubles of fierce international competition, and increased by traditional international poles such as the United States and China, or emerging international powers such as Turkey and Russia.

There is no doubt that the state of integration and cooperation that characterized the French and American paths towards Africa, has descended to a level of clear contradiction, especially during the era of former US President Donald Trump, who focused on the United States's shrinkage on itself, and rid them of what the economic and security burdens see inAfrica.

The reduction of American economic aid to Africa, and the withdrawal of some American military bases from Africa regions led to the expulsion of the French back in front of the security difficulties in France, and increased the high costs of the French military presence in various regions of the continent.

It is no secret that the relative integration between the two wills, French and American, towards Africa, remained governed by a lot of competition, with security and economic dimensions, due to the founding contrast of visions of influence towards the continent;Where Washington has always been keen to enhance its presence on African beaches, and to secure the marine corridors through which a large part of the global trade movement flows, in addition to the early confrontation of the pockets of security threats and terrorist terrorist movements in the east, west and central Africa.

وزيادة على ذلك، فإن الولايات المتحدة منافس قوي لفرنسا في الأسواق الإفريقية، وفي مختلف مجالات العلاقات الاقتصادية، وقد استطاعت أن تزيح فرنسا عن صدارة العلاقات الاقتصادية ذات الطابع العسكري مع دول Morocco Moroccoي بشكل خاص(18).

Russia and Turkey in the circle of French influence

Russia and Turkey can be considered the fiercest competitors of France in Africa.As for Turkey, Africa is a new economic mine, an important market for the rising Turkish economy, and a very important field from the fields of the ongoing conflict between Paris and Ankara, and there are many reasons and manifestations of Turkish-French competition in Africa, the most prominent of which are in our view:

In short, the matter is that Turkey sees in the Islamic tide in Africa a strong support for it in its expansion project on the continent, while Macron expressly expresses the French fears of this rising tide: “Until now there is no influential party affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood in sub -Saharan Africa, but Things can develop, ”according to what was stated in the book Le Piège Africain de Macron, and the book itself preaches the need to adopt and develop new generations of secular youth who love France in the West Africa region, which is being monitored through the French presidency, embassies, and the center of analysis and strategic expectation of the Ministry The Foreign Ministry, “If we fail to this, the imams such as Mahmoud Deco will monopolize the political scene” (19).

وتتعدد المداخل التركية إلى إفريقيا في هذا المجال بين Diplomatic cooperation، والعمل الخيري الذي تمارسه المنظمات التركية المتعددة، وكذا التعليم وتوفير آلاف المنح للطلاب الأفارقة. ويُلاحَظ بوضوح تزايد تشييد تركيا للمساجد والمدارس والمنشآت الخيرية في دول إفريقيا، وهو ما يضفي على أدائها بُعدًا أخلاقيًّا وقيميًّا يتناغم بقوة مع المشاعر الإسلامية لملايين الأفارقة، وخصوصًا الأجيال الصاعدة منهم.

This attendance enabled Ankara to put the hand on huge sources of oil and gas, and to turn into an effective and constant partner of the harmonious systems with it.

Also, Turkey's tendency towards Niger will also represent a challenge to France, especially in light of the horizons that Turkey promises to create an economic renaissance and qualitative development in the areas of energy and agriculture in the region.

Moscow and Paris: The violent conflict over the security and resources of Africa

The Vagner mercenary crisis in Mali shows the depth of conflict and crisis in Moscow and Paris relations;Where the latter opposes the strength and clarity of the deployment of Russian forces in Mali, while Bamako, and behind it Moscow, insists on this existence that will strengthen Russian influence in the coast, and in Africa in general, and links the Russian military presence in Chad and Libya to the coast link, and extends the hands of the Russians more toMinerals and enormous wealth areas in Mali and the coast in general.

There is no doubt that Russian interest in Africa has accelerated and increased during the past decade, and large parts of this interest have crossed the flame of spring crises in Syria and Libya in particular;Russia has become a key player in the Middle East, North and Central Africa.

France does not hide its strong resentment from the Russian role in Africa, but rather sees a continuous funeral of hostilities towards Paris, according to the expression of the French President, Macron (21).

Despite the diversity of Russian entrances to Africa politically and economically, the security and military file appears to be the most heavy Russian Messenger of African doors;Where the unofficial Russian Wagner forces managed to conclude about 30 security agreements and cooperation with multiple African armies, and Russia acquires 39% of international exports of weapons towards Africa (22).

The Russian-French conflict in Africa highlights strongly in Libya and Central Africa;Where Moscow sided with the opponents of Paris, and its strong support for the military coup in Mali, has added a strong agitation worker to the presence of France in the coast.

There is no doubt that the Russian presence in Africa in general is a candidate for more expansion, and that the Wagner forces will turn over time into a stable and effective element in the African security scene, even if France insists as a factor of tension and excitement of ethnic conflicts in the inflamed continent (23).

Horizons of influence and the future of the relationship between Paris and Africa

It is excluded or dreamer to a great degree that the French influence is considered in a stage of weakness or collapse for multiple reasons, including:

- The extent of French penetration and influence in Africa, which is based on more than a century and a half of direct and indirect colonialism, violent intervention and controlling control in the various joints of government and details of life in Africa.

- The fear of African regimes from France: as these systems are the most dangerous of the French role, and the pressure papers and agitation factors that Paris have not been hesitant in the past in their use and will not be in the future from moving them;This means that African regimes in general are forced to "run fears" as part of their relationship with France.

- The depth of Africa's cultural loyalty in the military, political and financial elites in Africa, Paris still has a role model for many Africans;Where we can be certain that the majority of societal elites in Francophone Africa have culturally towards France, especially since France is part of the map of consciousness, conscience and the management of society in Africa, whether through political systems, educational systems, cultural paths, charitable institutions, churches, tributaries and holding companies.

Despite all of this, this influence erodes, and is exposed to tension and shrinking little by little for multiple reasons, including:

ولا شك أن فرنسا ملزمة بانتهاج سياسة جديدة تجاه إفريقيا، تعتمد Partnership والتعاون والتكامل، ولكن الوصول إلى هذه الحالة لا يزال بعيد المنال، خصوصًا أن النخبة الفرنسية المسيطرة محكومة بيوميات المشهد الانتخابي وتوجهات الناخب الفرنسي الذي يوغل في العنصرية والسير باتجاه اليمين المتطرف، وفرنسا لا تحتاج إلى مزيد من التطرف في علاقتها مع إفريقيا.

The geopolitical importance of Africa stems through its strategic location, which is an important corridor in global transportation, and its control over the most important water arms from the destination of international navigation, and its natural resources and resources, especially the East Africa region in which the Horn of Africa interferes with the Great Lakes region and the Nile basin, But due to the lack of material, technical and technological capabilities and human cadres of African countries and the growing ambitions of the great countries, and the intersection of their interests and influence, the region suffers from severe multilateral attraction, and the region turned into a theater of a state of feverish international conflict for more than two centuries, and recently, American, European and Israeli influence collided. The growth and growth of Chinese and Russian influence, just as we do not lose sight of the Turkish existence and influence that had a historical existence in the region during the Ottoman Empire in the last century, as it also crawled to the region in search of new interests and influence in it.

معروف أن مؤتمر برلين المنعقد في 1884، أعطى الضوء الأخضر للدول الغربية الاستعمارية لتقاسم القارة الإفريقية فيما بينهم لتسهيل السيطرة والاستفادة القصوى من خيرات القارة ومواردها الضخمة، فمع نهاية القرن التاسع عشر كانت الدول الأوروبية الاســــتعمارية (Britain العظمى، وإيطاليا، وبلجيكا، وفرنسا فضلًا عن ألمانيا) قد سيطرت على معظم إفريقيا، عدا دولتين، هما: ليبيريا في غرب إفريقيا، وإثيوبيا في شرقها.

Russian influence in Africa is a period before and after the Cold War

Russian influence penetrated and expanded in the continent of Africa since the 1950s and intensified during the era of the Cold War, especially the revolution of the revolutionary movement of the African peoples in order to liberate from Western colonialism. In that era, the Soviet Union had a great influence in the African continent, and this influence had acceptance and satisfaction by the African peoples, as it was supporting the movements and forces of liberation from colonialism, and providing these forces with weapons, equipment, material, media and moral support as well as ideological support; There were ideological parties (communist parties, socialist forces) in Africa and Asia; Where these parties constituted strong and firm political rules and beacons that support and support the Russian presence in the region, but this situation was destroyed and went to the dustbin of history in the second millennium.

Another great experience that Russia (the former Soviet Union) has in the sixties of the last century in a region has its effects on Africa, which is the southern Arabian Peninsula region;Where the former Soviet Union had a military and ideological influence in southern Yemen (South Yemen), but this experience did not succeed and disappeared after it was disturbed, and the Soviet Union came out of southern Yemen with a hideout (1).

Russia is a new competitor in Africa

Russian influence in Africa in the current era is not as it was in the post -World War and the Cold War era. The former Soviet Union collapsed due to its political, ideological and economic energy and the decline of its political and military influence in the world and its last castle fell in Moscow, as well as the emergence of the radical anti -Russian influences of Russian influenceThe socialist in Africa, the continent of Asia, and Latin America in particular.

تعمل روسيا حاليًّا وبشكل متسارع على بناء وتعزيز نفوذ جديد لها في إفريقيا خاصة في شرق ووسط وغرب إفريقيا، فهي تعمل على تحريك وتنشيط نفوذها القديم في إفريقيا وذلك بتوظيف واستغلال علاقات الاتحاد السوفيتي السابق مع الدول الإفريقية؛ حيث صرَّح رئيس الدولة، فلاديمير بوتين، بأن العلاقات مع Countryان الإفريقية تعد إحدى أولويات السياسة الخارجية الروسية.

روسيا تدرك تمامًا أهمية القارة الإفريقية وأبعادها الجيوسياسية وبشكل خاص شرق، ووسط وغرب القارة، فالمنطقة يتزاحم فيها الكثير من القوى الكبرى وعلى راسها الولايات المتحدة الأميركية وفرنسا والمملكة المتحدة ودول غرب أوروبا الأخرى التي تعمل في إطار حلف شمال الأطلنطي، وتعمل أحيانًا بشكل منفرد (فرنسا)، كما أن هناك قوى أخرى لها أطماعها وتأثيرها ونفوذها تعمل في المنطقة (إسرائيل وتركيا وIran والهند). أضف إلى ذلك التحالف العربي (الإماراتي/السعودي)، الذي يقاتل في اليمن بغية الاستحواذ على الموانئ والقواعد العسكرية في خليج عدن والبحر الأحمر، والمحيط الهندي، وهو يعمل ضمن استراتيجية الولايات المتحدة الأميركية وإسرائيل، ومعروف أن الولايات المتحدة الأميركية والدول الغربية لها قيادة عسكرية ضخمة في القارة الإفريقية، وبالتحديد منطقة شــرق إفريقيا، (قيادة المنطقة العسكرية لحلف الناتو في شرق إفريقيا).

Russia is working to find a foothold in Africa through the Chinese portal, and from under its cloak;As China is the first investor in Africa, and it has good relations with African countries, and China's relations with Africa are usually based on the economic dimension.So, these relationships have witnessed a great development in the last two decades.

Russia is trying to penetrate into Africa by being in the ports overlooking the Red Sea, and building military bases in ruling and strategic areas in the African beaches to access the African continent to compete with the western alliances deployed in the region and obtain shares from the continent's resources, so it provides logistical services, political and diplomatic supportDefense, security and economic aid, diseases of diseases and epidemics, and some training in the field of education and technology (2).

Russia is trying to destabilize the existing alliances (Northern Atlantic Pact, and the existing Arab alliances related to Western alliances) to weaken them and disperse its efforts so that they can enter the countries of the region without entering into violent military actions or public competitions that may cost a lot.

لا شك أن النفوذ الروسي في إفريقيا يثير الكثير من القلق، فهناك دول إفريقية عديدة تتوجس وتتخوف من هذا النفوذ وتحاول أن تتحاشاه بشتى الطرق والأساليب، فالتجربة الروسية في البلقان ودول شرق أوروبا إبان الحرب الباردة، وفي الصومال وIraq في حقبة التسعينات لا تزال تشكِّل شبحًا مخيفًا لهذه الدول، أضف إلى ذلك فإن التجربة الروسية في سوريا لا تزال عالقة في آفاق السياسة الدولية، فهي تجربة مخيفة وصادمة، جعلت الكثير من الدول يتحاشى ويتردد في الدخول في تحالفات أو اتفاقيات اقتصادية أو سياسية مع روسيا.

As for Ethiopia, it has a bitter experience with Russia (the former Soviet Union) that the peoples of Ethiopia and neighboring countries are still rumored by the people of Ethiopia, until the moment.His violence and his woes, and social and cultural persecution to its fullest borders, I do not think that the Ethiopian peoples will go beyond that experience or forget it and enter with Russia in new alliances.

But if we talked about Russia's agreements with Ethiopia in the year 2020-2021, regarding the latter's supply of weapons, equipment and ammunition, it did not occur until after the fierceness of the battles launched by the Ethiopian army against the ethnicity of the Tigray and other ethnic groups fighting the Ethiopian government, and the need of Ethiopia for weapons and ammunition. It is known that the Ethiopian army depends completely on Russian weapons and equipment; As the Ethiopian army has been based on the Russian organization since the time of the rule of the former Ethiopian President, Mengiso Hilamarim, so the Ethiopian government has resorted to Russia to supply it with weapons and ammunition to confront this great rebellion.

The fact that confronting the Ethiopian army with the ethnicity of Tagray is not easy, as it overthrew the regime in Addis Ababa. This group has a long and strong struggle history;As it participated in the liberation war from the rule of the former President, Mengusto Hilameram, in the 1990s and practiced the rule in Ethiopia for two decades and have a history of power since the Empire in Ethiopia, as well as that they possess a lot of weapons and equipment, and most of the fighting and trained cadres in the armyThe Ethiopian is from the ethnicity of Tigray, and thanks to that, many of the army's secrets and have political rules that have weight even though they are a minority.

Ethiopia is trying to increase the momentum of its relations with Russia, especially in this difficult period of its history, as it faces a major rebellion that may overthrow the existing regime, and in support of this statement, Ethiopia appointed a former foreign minister to be its ambassador in Moscow and this is a strong indication that Ethiopia is trying to build strong relations And active with Russia, especially in the current period to curb the ethnic rebellion and other rebel groups and try to push Russia to play a role to resolve the dispute in the East Nile Basin related to the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, and to obtain Russia's support in international forums to pass its political and economic agenda internationally and regional (3).

The hotbeds of Russian influence in Africa and its connotations

The Russian presence in its military and security form in Africa is evident in Eritrea, although Eritrea does not have clear and fixed political loyalties, as it cooperates according to its immediate interests, and the fluctuations of geopolitical conditions in the region, it cooperates with the American axis, the European at times, and at other times it is allied with the axes thatThe area is broken.Therefore, Russian influence in Eritrea is unstable, risky and threatened with disappearance according to the variables of international politics in the Horn of Africa, where Eritrea can be uttered at any time.

For the Russian presence in Africa in particular in West and Central Africa and East, military and economic targets, Russia suffers from a severe shortage of rare, important and vital minerals for their various industries (such as manganese, laxate and chrome), and Russia has advanced energy and technology that you want to provide to African countries in exchange for materials Raw and open markets for their products. There is no doubt that Russia's defensive relations with West African countries are in rapid and continuous growth, as Russian companies, both sides, are the security and economic, operating in Angola, southeast of the African continent to exploit oil and precious minerals (diamonds and gold). In the year 2017-2018, Russia signed cooperation agreements with more than (nineteen African countries) all in West Africa, including but not limited to (Nigeria, Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Burkina Faso and Sudan), and also signed agreements to extract shale gas From Mozambique, and therefore she was able to extend its influence and dominance strongly to the center and west of the African continent (Central Africa, Nigeria and Chad), and activate the Russian role in Central Africa in supporting the government against rebel groups; Where special forces from security companies participate in the operations of insurance and guarding government institutions and important and vital economic resources areas.

أما في Morocco العربي، فإن روسيا تستخدم المرتزقة والشركات ذات الخلفية الاستخباراتية والأمنية في ليبيا للقيام بأدوار سياسية وعسكرية وأمنية (شركة فاغنر الروسية) التي تعمل في استغلال الثروات المعدنية، وتشارك في العمليات القتالية وتقديم الدعم لبعض القوى والتيارات السياسية التي تتقاتل في ليبيا، ولا يغيب عن البال أن روسيا تريد من ذلك أن تكون قريبة من نفط ليبيا، ومناطق التعدين الأخرى في إفريقيا الوســطي وشمال غرب إفريقيا (النيجر، وموريتانيا، وAlgeria)، وقريبة من النفوذ الفرنسي في غرب إفريقيا لتحجيمه وتحييده وإضعافه حتى لا يجد المجال ليتمدد شرقًا تجاه السودان وليبيا. أضف إلى ذلك أن النفوذ الروسي في منطقة غرب إفريقيا له مآرب عقائدية وأيديولوجية فهو يدعم ويساند الحركات المناوئة للتيارات الإسلامية والعربية في المنطقة.

Despite the crowding of the region with alliances, military bases and the movement of forces, Russia is now trying to penetrate in Sudan through the historic (Flamingo) base in eastern Sudan and close to the port of Port Sudan, and it is known that this base has already been used by the Allied Forces during the Second World War; As it has a distinctive strategic location that controls the Red Sea, and in the maritime and air navigation movement in the region, Russia aims, through its presence in the region, to control Arab and African oil corridors in the Red Sea, and secure its investments in mining areas in Sudan, as well as obstructing the American strategy Aimed at developing its influence and increasing its presence in Sudan; As there are indications that the United States of America plans to transfer the leadership of NATO and the American forces operating in Africa to Sudan.

تطورات الأحداث في ليبيا كشفت عن مدى تأثير روسيا على مجريات الأحداث في المنطقة وعلى مدى ضعفها في مواجهة التحالف الأميركي الغربي، خاصة في شمال إفريقيا، فالموقف الروسي في ليبيا وغيرها كثيرًا ما اتسم بالتردد الشديد فلا هي أيدت الثوار ولا تمكنت من الإبقاء على الأنظمة القائمة، كما أنها لم تكن تملك استراتيجية لمواجهة التغييرات مثلما هو قائم الآن في شرق إفريقيا، وفي الوقت ذاته لم يكن لديها خطة لتعطيل الاستراتيجيات الغربية لكنها وعبر سياستها التي يمكن أن نصفها بالثبات والاستمرارية في الوقت ذاته استطاعت أن تتجاوز التداعيات الخطرة على مصالحها، فقد أصبحت مع الوقت تقدم نفسها للعب دور وظيفي في استعادة الأمن والاستقرار في المنطقة، فهي حاليًّا تحاول الانخراط المباشر في أزمات المنطقة كلاعب رئيسي في كافة الملفات، فأخيرًا قدمت نفسها كوسيط في أزمة سد النهضة بين دول حول النيل الشرقي (إثيوبيا، وEgypt، والسودان)، وتحاول أن تتوسط في الأزمة القائمة في اليمن وغيرها.

I do not doubt that the Western American strategy aimed at giving the Far East and Africa a priority to confront the Chinese and Indian rise will lead to a vacuum that Russia can be prepared to fill it provided that it gives up or evacuated from the Chinese cloak and engaging in Western strategies to limit the Chinese role in the world in general, and in Africa and Asia in particular,This is to confirm its role in the world and the African continent in particular, but this is not achieved until after monitoring incentives and reassurances for Russia so that it does not try to complete its hidden role with China in Africa.

أما في Egypt العربية، فإن الدور الروسي بدأ فعلًا يتبلور بعد إنها حكم جماعة الإخوان المسلمين في Egypt في يوليو/تموز 2013، وتبني العسكريين لنظام جديد؛ مما أعطى روسيا فرصة أخرى للعب دور هيئته الظروف السياسية والاقتصادية التي تمر بها Egypt والتي كانت تبحث عن حليف قوي يؤمِّن لها دعمًا في مواجهة التحديات التي تفرضها الولايات المتحدة الأميركية والغرب على النظام الEgyptي، كما أن هذا الأمر فرضته المراجعة الروسية لاستراتيجياتها وإدراكها للأخطاء التي قلَّصت فرص وجودها في المنطقة ككل، فقد أصبح ذلك التطور بمنزلة نموذج لعلاقات جديدة تقتدى بها دول المنطقة؛ حيث إن التبادل التجاري مع Egypt ارتفع بشكل واضح خلال عام 2014، بنسبة 86% ليصل إلى خمسة مليارات دولار أميركي. وبالمقابل، ارتفعت الصادرات الEgyptية إلى روسيا بنسبة 22.3% لتصل إلى 540 مليون دولار، وحاليًّا تخطط روسيا مع Egypt لإنشاء منطقة للتجارة الحرة ومنطقة صناعية روسية في منطقة السويس فضلًا عن صفقات السلاح التي جرى الاتفاق عليها في العامين الماضيين. هذا التطور سينعكس حتمًا بشكل إيجابي على الوجود والنفوذ الروسي في المنطقة ككل خاصة منطقة شرق إفريقيا والقرن الإفريقي(4).

The future of Russian influence in the African continent

تسعى روسيا من خلال الوجود في البحر الأحمر والمحيط الهندي وبحر العرب لتقوية وجودها في إفريقيا، وخلق نفوذ لها في المياه الدافئة في الشرق الأوسط لضمان عدم محاصرتها بواسطة التحالف الغربي الإمبريالي في مناطق نفوذها المعروف في سوريا، وIran.

With this tactic, Russia is trying to secure its position in the Caspian Sea region to acquire the Caspian Sea oil, and build political, military and ideological platforms in the region to get close to Afghanistan to extend its political, military and economic influence on it in coordination with China after the American withdrawal from the region. For this, Moscow is closely monitoring the situation and plans with China to deal with the Taliban government expected to establish a new influence in the region. The action and Russian tactics in Africa support the Russian strategic deception plan that aims to distract Western alliances, and drew its attention away from the goals of Russia in Central Asia, especially Afghanistan .

في اعتقادي أن حركة الوجود الروسي في إفريقيا ليست لها استراتيجية واضحة المعالم حتى الآن رغم أن روسيا تعمل مع الصين لخلق محور يتوازن مع المحور الغربي الذي تقوده الولايات المتحدة الأميركية تحت مظلة حلف الناتو. ورغم أن روسيا تعمل مع الصين بشكل علني وتنسيق واضح وقوى في بحر الصين الجنوبي ومنطقة البلطيق وطريق الحرير وأفغانستان وIran ومناطق أخرى من العالم، إلا أنها تعمل مع الصين في إفريقيا بشكل خفي وهادئ وتنسيق عميق له أبعاده ومراميه، فروسيا عادة ما تتجنب الدخول في منافسات علنية أو عنيفة مع المحور الغربي خاصة الولايات المتحدة الأميركية، وفرنسا، لكن رغم ذلك فإن الوجود والنفوذ الروسي والصيني في إفريقيا يرعب المحور الأميركي/الأوروبي.

Russian influence in the African continent may develop with the development of advanced Chinese influence, as it is the first investor in Africa, and Russia may help African countries through armaments and investment in the field of minerals, as it possesses huge and able companies in the field of oil, gas exploration and mining, but the history of Russia in the region is frightening and terrifyingIt is accompanied by companies with intelligence and security backgrounds that may disturb African countries, especially the countries that seek democracies and good governance.

Russia's relations with the region are subject to Western and American influence in particular. There are issues of importance to the issue of water and the Renaissance Dam of Israel and the Zionist lobby in the United States of America as well as the issues of huge investments and markets in Africa that haunt Western countries and they are programs that the United States wants to implement in the black continent and aimsWestern countries to acquire all these investments in African countries.

Despite Russia's efforts to strengthen its existence and consolidate its relations in Africa, it still has a lot to join its international competitors there, the assistance and investments provided by the United States and the European Union to African countries exceeds what Russia is providing. فضلًا عن ذلك، فإن الولايات المتحدة الأميركية ستعمل على دفع النفوذ الصيني بعيدًا عن إفريقيا وبالتالي ستكون روسيا في مهب الريح حيث إن وجودها مرهون بالوجود الصيني في المنطقة(5).

Summary of the ninth axis

There is no doubt that the colonial western views of Africa will not change, and that you demand them on the resources of the continent will continue with the same momentum and the same strategy is unilaterally And his exports. Therefore, it will deprive the African countries from playing any developmental or progressive role to take advantage of their resources and goods, and will not be allowed to catch up with major and advanced countries. Therefore, if there is no strong patriotism and political will in African countries and peoples and their political and social elites, to prepare and implement ambitious and satisfactory development programs and build an effective and strong political and economic partnership between African countries to exploit all available and available resources in Africa, there will be no escape from colonial domination.

The continuation of the American maneuvers in Africa, especially in the north, means affecting the situation of France in Africa and internationally, and the opportunity to them, as it falls into the path of marginalization of traditional great powers in the world and the uniqueness of America in light of the polar unilateralism.

It is no secret that the American interest in the African continent and its northern division, in particular, is part of Washington's strategic perpetrator; Due to the importance of this geographical space. And that since the mid -nineties of the twentieth century, through the launch of many initiatives, such as the 1998 "Eznsthat" initiative, which falls within the American national security strategy or what is termed "the new American century project" (1) for the year 1997, where it was aimed at it. It is the division of the world into regional regions through which the American leadership of the world is strengthened; Where both the "Great American Strategy" and "Carter Principle" stipulated the vitality of American economic interests in Africa and the need to protect them, even by resorting to the use of military power.

After the events of September 11, 2001 and the launch followed by the American Unique Engineering project through its leadership of the International Anti -Terrorism Strategy. The American White House in North African countries found a close partner, after which the American policy agenda in the region turned into long -term arrangements to ensure its strategic interests in the region (2); It is the hope that is embodied through the American political and security map, which is underlined in the North Africa region, in which the security and military dimension was a master's entrance and an important thing to understand the nature of the dynamic of the American power in this important part of the geography of the continent, which was translated by the annual military programs of the American ruler in that region since the beginnings of The twenty -first century - in parallel with the American strategic focus on the Pacific Ocean region - to take from the North Africa region a soft gateway that allowed the continuity of the security compass and the serious American military steps on the continent, through the series of "African Assad" maneuvers, and the June 2021 edition was one of the most entrances The importance and influence in the strategic history of the continent and the North Africa region in particular (3), which this article will work on by touching on a group of elements as follows:

1. The American Strategic Architect for North Africa.

2.American competition for North Africa from the entrance to the "African Lion 2021" maneuvers.

3. The reality of the strategic balance in North Africa after the "African Assad 2021" maneuvers.

4. Reading in the Africom strategy towards North Africa after the "African Lion 2021" maneuvers.

1. The American Strategic Architect for North Africa

يندرج التصور الأميركي لمنطقة شمال إفريقيا ضمن فكرة شرق الأوسطية مع نهاية القرن العشرين وذلك في إطار المشروعات الأميركية المتعلقة بالإصلاحات السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية في دول منطقة الشرق الأوسط وبروز التعريف الأميركي للمنطقة التي تمتد حدودها غربًا لتشتمل على دول شمال إفريقيا العربية إلى Iran في جنوب غرب آسيا، وتركيا ودول المشرق العربي إضافة إلى “إسرائيل” القومية السياسية الجديدة التي دخلت المنطقة العربية في بداية القرن الماضي لِتُخلَّ بتوازن البناء الإقليمي العربي الهش منذ سقوط الدولة العثمانية وموجة الاستعمار الغربي، وقد يكون -حسب بعض الاستراتيجيين- زرع الأقلية القومية اليهودية (الكيان الحديث) من أهم أسباب تبني واشنطن فكرة شرق الأوسطية التي تعود جذورها إلى مصطلح الشرق الأدنى الذي استُعمل في القرن التاسع عشر لأول مرة للدلالة على المنطقة الجغرافية الخاصة بغرب آسيا وما يجاورها من بلاد عربية بدءًا من الخليج العربي وحتى شمال إفريقيا وارتبط بالقوى الاستعمارية الأوروبية.

وكان منتصف خمسينات القرن الماضي بدايةً للتعامل مع الشرق الأوسط كحقيقة جغرافية لوصف المنطقة الممتدة من Morocco على المحيط الأطلسي والبحر المتوسط في شمال إفريقيا غربًا إلى باكستان ومن تركيا إلى البحر الأسود شمالًا، حتى السودان والقرن الإفريقي جنوبًا، وصار مصطلح الشرق الأوسط ثابتًا في الكتابات والدراسات العلمية يشمل وحدات سياسية: Egypt، وJordan، وفلسطين، وسوريا، ولبنان، ودول المنطقة المغاربية: ليبيا، وتونس، وAlgeria، وMorocco إضافة إلى الكيان الصهيوني (إسرائيل).

Despite the political definition of the region, the region has not yet been achieved as the effects of this concept as a regional system or an international system of interactions, problems and security issues in particular, especially after the end of the Cold War, with its resurrection in the concept of “Middle East and North Africa” (MENA) is commonly used in Anglo -Saxon literature, And the classifications of the US State Department for the various regions of the world, the American and Atlantic strategies, or the British use of the North Africa and West Asia North Africa and Western Asia, not even after the deposit of the German -American announcement, on February 27, 2004, on “North Africa” And the Middle East, which is stated that the European Union has an intention to include Eastern European countries and the countries of North Africa adjacent to Europe.

Although the Atlantic perception of the region depends to a large extent on the American concept, "Middle East and North Africa", it assaulted the NATO agenda in light of the changing global security environment data after the end of the Cold War differently, as the strategic concept of the alliance indicated, in 1991, to " The South Mediterranean and Middle East region ((4) to link the two visions, European and American, in its new concept of a regional system or a perception of a possible regional security building for a region that characterized tension and long instability, and its problems and issues may take a new trend that may threaten/affecting a distant extent on stability and security In the entire Mediterranean region and the effects of the Euro-Systemic system are long.

ومع أن كل هذه التصورات الغربية والأدبيات الأنجلوسكسونية والفرانكفونية تستهدف عُمْق الوطن العربي الجغرافي (وحتى الإسلامي بامتدادها إلى تركيا وIran،…) الممتد من Morocco وموريتانيا غربًا، إلى Iran وتركيا شرقًا، حتى إفريقيا الوسطى جنوبًا، كمنطقة متصلة ببعضها البعض، منسجمة إلى درجة كبيرة بسبب اللغة المشتركة، والدين، والتاريخ، والعادات، والتراث،…فإن الأدبياتالعربية -أو معظمها- تستعمل هذه المفاهيم والمصطلحات الغربية/الغريبة متغاضية عن خطورتها على المدى الطويل في طَمْس الهوية العربية والإسلامية للمنطقة.

In spite of the differences/differences in determining the identity of the region between the American and European parties (especially the French) between the Middle Eastern identity in exchange for the Mediterranean identity, all the names/concepts related to it remain related to the projects of dismantling and re-installing the existing Arab entities within European-American and Atlantic policies and strategies in order to find New political entities on a homogeneous basis that leads to chaos within them to weaken them, i.e. defining the concept of the Arab region in which North Africa is a sign and a lesser and a significance of the region's geographical, geopolitical and strategic importance. This explains the growing shares of US military exercises on the Stock Exchange strategic concentration in the region.

2. American competition for North Africa from the entrance to the African lion maneuvers 2021

With the end of the Cold War, and the exit of the Soviet Union and its camp from the competition and conflict match at the international level, and the disintegration of the previous world order, international relations moved to another level, the traditional competitions between the great powers on urgent and future interests in the North Africa region, and the parties to these competitions beside the United States of America Other countries with colonial history such as France, Italy, Spain and Germany. This situation will continue during the period of reformulation and the formation of the upcoming world order, a general liquidity period in which world powers and regional powers compete, and it will rule relations between them the principle of competition and the principle of the principle, and attitudes, policies and practices will remain ranging from these two principles until the state of the new global order is stabilized and stabilized. It appears that there are several factors that help create a new type of Cold War in the North Africa region, including (5):

1. The need for resources in the countries of the region to a large extent, especially oil and other strategic minerals, as well as the need for their markets.

2. The importance of the strategic sites of the countries of the region, especially overlooking the waterways and global trade roads, specifically the Mediterranean and the Atlantic Ocean, are still one of the decisive factors for Western interests, especially security, including (6).

3. The emergence of Islam as one of the contemporary ideologies that seek through some individuals and political groups to organize themselves and its supporters in challenging the West and in the face of its policies and practices, in several regions of the world, including the African continent.

During this transitional period, the United States of America records various progress and gains, as a result of its entry to replace the influence of the Soviet Union and its camp in general or partially, according to the conditions of each case or each country in Africa. Among these countries there are a number of Francophone countries in the northern African continent,This is concerned and concerned about the French policy towards the African continent, as it has been seeking for a while to put forward and implement a new framework or create an appropriate and disciplined balance that preserves its current influence and existence, as it works in various methods to restore what it lost from traditional centers and areas of influence (7).

من هذا الباب، جاءت تمارين “الأسد الإفريقي 2021” -في طبعتها السابعة عشرة- في إطار اختبار قدرة البرنامج الاستراتيجي الأميركي والدول ال على الاستجابة لمواقف أمنية طارئة في ظل ظروف وبيئة تهديد حقيقية ووضعيات طارئة تقتضي جاهزية متفاعلة وردًّا سريعًا(8). كما تمحورت تلك التدريبات السنوية والتي نُظِّمت في/ومع Morocco حول عدد من المشاريع ذات الصلة بالهندسة والمساعدات المدنية الإنسانية في إقليم طانطان(9)؛ حيث عكفت كل من القيادات الأميركية والأطراف ال، على غرار كل من الطرف Moroccoي والسنغالي والتونسي على إجراء تمارين تطبيقية تحاكي فيها مواقع جغرافية حقيقية(10).

In fact, the exercises of the "African Lion 2021" (11) (11) exercises is a continuation of the strategic pledge for the American administration and dealing with the African file in the context of developing an appropriate military strategy based on the following American security pillars (12):

a.Giving priority to fighting international terrorism in North Africa: The US administration must increase its efforts to coordinate security measures in North African countries related to the dangers of terrorism and it must also be always ready to take preventive measures.

B.Preparing for direct American intervention in North Africa: The United States of America should not be decisively using its forces if its vital national interests are threatened.On the other hand, and even if the vital American interests are not threatened with loss, the United States must be cautious, and not necessarily hesitate to provide military aid to the countries of the region.

The United States was very satisfied with its role in the African continent in the nineties of the last century, in general, with the exception of American interference in Somalia.Although this intervention was the only one that is important on the continent level in that contract, the bad results of the US military operation in Mogadishu weakened the US administration's determination to play a more effective role (13).

C. Helping African countries and support them militarily: The most suitable role for American forces in the event of the necessity of interfering in Africa must focus on providing appropriate support to the armies of African countries at the regional level, including air and maritime transport, advanced intelligence, monitoring, reconnaissance operations, communications and perhaps some assets To protect the entered power. For example, in 1999, American employees and military personnel needed logistical support for international intervention in East Timor. The "East Timor model" must be worked in as a model for any American forces that can be used in interest to support vital humanitarian operations, taking into account that the large -scale use of the American combat forces in Africa is not desirable to launch it, but the armed forces should be employed to meet the demands of the World War on terrorism. In this regard, the United States must measure its role carefully in peace -making, as such operations can be involved in conflicts that require large military sources and supplies. Consequently, the United States must spare its forces to the tasks of the superpower, which only has the military power of the United States capable of doing so, and accordingly, the United States must determine and provide its military assistance to Africa in a better way that reflects the needs of Africa, and in a way that helps to fill Gaps and gaps in the capabilities of the armies of countries concerned with American interest.

Dr.. Increasing military aid to African democratic countries: the best way for the United States to prevent the extermination of millions of Africans depends on preventing genocide by obstructing threats and serious conflicts before they become serious. What helps in a practical way in this regard is to help African countries become more productive members of the global family. Providing assistance to adopt the development of African armies is a necessary matter, and it is of great importance to the United States of America to help them improve their ability to intervene to stop genocide, to deal with humanitarian crises, and to combat terrorism. It is an important approach for which the "African Lion 2021" exercises have been working on.

e.Support of the African Intervention Force Foundation: The American administration and its subsequent departments have been directly working in coordination with the French government to benefit from its efforts and history in the North Africa region (14), especially since it has long experience in the areas of intervention, and to help also in the formation and training of the African power that canTo interfere in cases of crises within the African continent, and that the United States can encourage African leadership countries in the region to face the burdens of peacekeeping on the continent, noting that the efforts of the two countries collided with conflicting decisions in the past.

ويلاحظ في ظل هذا التوجه التركيز على أن منطقة شمال إفريقيا لديها قوة بشرية عسكرية مهمة لمقابلة احتياجاتها الأمنية بل وتفوق تلك الاحتياجات وأن المشكلة في الوقت الراهن تتمثل في أن القوات الحالية ذات تدريب متباين وهي فاسدة في أغلب الأحيان، وهي تميل إلى أن تُستَعمل لمُهَاجَمَة Countryان المجاورة بدلًا من مُساعدتها. بالتالي، فإن الولايات المتحدة يُمْكِنُ أن تعتمد بشكل أفضل على مُسَاعَدَة الحلفاء الإفريقيين للحُصُول على دعمهم العسكري في إطار من التنسيق والتنظيم وباستخدام وسائل جديدة؛ وهو ما تصبو إليه “مناورات الأسد الإفريقي 2021”. ومن تلك الوسائل تزويد Countryان الإفريقية بأساليب وبأجهزة الإنذار المبكر والمعونات التقنية، بالإضافة إلى تزويدهم بنظم التربية العسكرية الدولية وتقديم المنح التدريبية في الولايات المتحدة. إن هذا التحدي وإن كان سيستغرق العديد من السنوات لكن في النهاية ستكون تأثيراته ونتائجه أفضل من سلسلة التدخلات المباشرة في مناطق الأزمات المختلفة.

And the.The inevitability of the dependency of Africa to the US Central Command: CENTCOM The United States Military Policy related to Africa is moving towards the necessity of any unified sub -command for Africa to be ready to give the US military a mechanism to carry out practical tasks in any region within the African continent, and to reduce at the same timeIt is the possibility of direct American intervention only when necessary.

3. The reality of the strategic balance in North Africa after the "African Assad 2021" maneuvers

The Maghreb scene after the "African Lion 2021" maneuvers were distinguished by the lack of a unified security system, as well as the conflict in the threats of threat;The majority of the Maghreb states apply the logic of real self -assistance, as well as their alliances with the major powers: the relationship with the United States of America and Europe is at the heart of national security for the Maghreb countries as they are considered a security umbrella, although they do not provide real protection from any aggression.

كما تأتي تلك المناورات في ظل افتقار الأنظمة المغاربية إلى إجماع حول تعريف التهديدات الأمنية؛ حيث انهار الإجماع حول التهديد الصهيوني (الإسرائيلي) منذ توقيع اتفاقيات كامب ديفيد وخروج Egypt كطرف محوري من الصراع مع الكيان الصهيوني، واختلفت كذلك المواقف إزاء أميركا وIran. أما التهديد الوحيد الذي هو محل إجماع فهو الإرهاب، ويمكن تفسير هذه الاستثنائية بالبُعد الوظيفي للأمن؛ حيث يسمح تحديد الإرهاب كتهديد للأنظمة الحاكمة باستخدامه مطيَّة للقمع السياسي كما حصل مع أغلبية الانتفاضات الشبابية التي لاقت مواجهات دامية من طرف الأنظمة العربية(15).

في ظل ذلك كله، يحافظ الميزان العسكري في شمال إفريقيا على ثبات معالمه وحدود ملامسته للأطر المعقولة لخطوط الاستقرار والسلم في المنطقة: ففي حين أن هناك تنافسًا قويًّا وتوترات مهمة بين دول المنطقة (Algeria، وليبيا، وMorocco وتونس)، إلا أن مخرجات المناورات لم ترتق لدرجة أصبحت فيها أية دولة من دول المنطقة ترى أنها على تمام الجاهزية لخوض أي نوع من الحروب مع دول الجوار؛ فاحتمالات نشوب مثل هذا النوع من الصراعات أضحت محدودة جدًّا في المنطقة.

4. Reading in Africom's strategy towards North Africa after the African lion maneuvers 2021

The United States strategy, especially those related to Avrikum, has faced many criticisms from African countries and organizations; Where the Sahel and Sahara group agreed to "refuse any military leadership or any foreign military presence of any kind in any part of the continent, whatever the reasons or justifications", and the economic group of South African countries "CIA" announced that "it is better if the United States dealt with with Africa from a distance instead of the direct attendance in the continent, “Eco -Economy”, the Eco -Akwas, expressed its strong refusal to create the African leadership, and the leaders of Zambia, Nigeria and South Africa have issued sharp criticism of the Avrikum, and Liberia was the only country that supported the creation of the Afrikum. Among the reasons for the African rejection of the idea of Africom:

الأثر المتوقع للإخلال بتوازن القوى بين المنظمات الإقليمية وبين الدول ذاتها؛ حيث تتخوف المنظمات الإقليمية أن يقوض وجود الأفريكوم تأثيرها في المنطقة بينما تخشى الدول المسيطرة إقليميًّا التأثير الذي سيخلِّفه وجود الأفريكوم على التوازن الإقليمي في المنطقة.
أسهم عدم تشاور الأميركيين مع الاتحاد الإفريقي في مرحلة التصور والإعداد لإنشاء القيادة في التأسيس لحالة من القلق والتشكيك حول الأهداف الحقيقية وراء إنشائها، وأن إنشاء هذه القيادة هدفه سحب النفوذ من الاتحاد الإفريقي وجعل الأفريكوم صاحبة القرار في الشؤون الأمنية للقارة.
أن الإصرار الأميركي على ربط عاملي الأمن والتنمية ومحاولة تحقيق ذلك من خلال إنشاء الأفريكوم أمر يقتضي بمعنى من المعاني التمكين للزعماء الديكتاتوريين في إفريقيا، ولا يخفى أن الأفريكوم، وفي سعيها لتحقيق المصالح الأميركية ودفع أجندتها الأمنية في القارة الإفريقية، تجد حرجا في إقامة علاقات ثنائية مع دول المنطقة خصوصا منها مع دول تقوم بقمع شعوبها، لكنها تجد نفسها أمام قادة، ولو كانوا دكتاتوريين، يوافقون على التنسيق والتعاون مع سياسة الأفريكوم. وهذا إشكال قائم ويصعب تجاوزه وهو هل لا بد للأفريكوم لتحقيق المصالح الأمريكية في القارة الإفريقية أن تتعامل مع أنظمة قمعية؟
اتجاه بعض الدول الإفريقية لاستخدام منهج أو خطاب الأفريكوم لاقتراح حلول عسكرية لمشاكل داخلية.
انتقد عدد من المراقبين قيادة الأفريكوم بسبب غطاء السرية الذي تحيط به نشاطاتها، لقلة ما يتوافر من المعلومات عنها، والغموض والضبابية اللذان يعتريان طبيعة أهداف هذه القيادة.
أثار ازدياد المصالح الأميركية في إفريقيا الكثير من الشبهات حول الأهداف الحقيقية للولايات المتحدة الأميركية من وراء إنشاء الأفريكوم، وذلك لكون أميركا، ومن خلال سياسة الإحتواء التي اتبعتها تاريخيًّا في فترة الحرب الباردة، قد دعمت قادة ديكتاتوريين وموَّلت ميليشيات تستخدم أساليب عنيفة جدًّا، إضافة إلى عدم تشجيعها للحركات التحررية في إفريقيا(16). إلا أنه يمكن اعتبار الاهتمام الأميركي الاستراتيجي بمنطقة شمال إفريقيا، وذلك من خلال سلسلة مناورات الأسد الإفريقي، يأتي من منطلق الاهتمام الأميركي العسكري والأمني بإفريقيا عامة ومنطقة الساحل خصوصًا والتي تعود إلى عام 1998 بمناسبة العمليتين المتزامنتين ضد سفارتي الولايات المتحدة الأميركية في كل من كينيا وتنزانيا؛ حيث أُتبعت العمليتان بالضربات التي وجَّهها الرئيس كلينتون إلى السودان، الموطن المرحلي آنذاك لأسامة بن لادن وتنظيم القاعدة خلال النصف الثاني من عقد تسعينات القرن الماضي. لتتأكد تلك الأهمية سنة 2006 أكثر فأكثر، حيث نتج عنها إنشاء قيادة للجيش الأميركي في إفريقيا، سنة 2007، ولأول مرة في التاريخ الأميركي هي جهاز الأفريكوم، وحتى ذلك التاريخ كانت القيادة الأوروبية “أوكوم” هي المكلفة بالعمليات العسكرية في إفريقيا(17). من الناحية العسكرية والأمنية تسعى الولايات المتحدة، من خلال مناورات “الأسد الإفريقي 2021″، إلى تحسين قدرة القارة على التعامل مع المشكلات الأمنية المؤثرة على الأمن العالمي بصفة عامة وعلى الأمن الأميركي بصفة خاصة وأهمها الإرهاب. كما تسعى إلى دعم الحلول السلمية للنزاعات المسلحة في القارة في ليبيا ومنطقة الساحل والصحراء بشكل يحقق مصالحها. لهذا، انحصر الدور الأميركي من بوابة أفريكوم من خلال تلك المناورات في التدريب وتوفير المعدات اللازمة والاتصال لتحقيق الترابط بين الوحدات في الدول الإفريقية ال (Morocco، وتونس، والسنغال).

On the other hand, it was from the American political and security point of view that organizing this series of maneuvers would allow better cooperation in various fields with African countries in particular; Where these maneuvers are a new American laboratory for intelligence and collecting information about the North Africa region as a geographic geography, relying on the Earth's privacy to put a special imprint to solve crises in the region. However, the conflict between the Pentagon and the US State Department, especially the blatant difference between the capabilities of the two institutions led to the contraction of these major ambitions from the beginning. Thus, the margin of the Africom leadership maneuver on the continent remained limited.

Summary of the tenth axis

Based on the foregoing, it can be said: The African continent is currently a major challenge for the major Western military complexes, including the American forces.However, in the context of the absence of a national strategic reference for the countries of the continent mainly and North Africa, it would neutralize any interaction that would be vital to the peoples and countries of the region, especially in light of the continued absence of a national political will that connects that ambition and the desire to liberate from the colonial restrictionsAnd external guardianship.

The region's lack of any serious project to assume the position of regional power, deprives it of its own security compound and its strategic compass that protects it from any form of security retail, through which the forces are fed above the regionalism with everything that would contribute to formulating a new political geography and strategy of this beingGeography and the important civilized and security gate for the brown continent.

The continuation of the series of American maneuvers on African soil, especially in the North Africa region, means that within the continued influence and status of France in Africa and internationally, and miss the opportunity for France from just staying in Africa, and this means that the presence of any other dominant force will contradict the unbridled American aspirations That the twenty -first century be a pure American century, as long as the opportunity is to marginalize more traditional great powers in the world, and this is a great impact on what the United States seeks to maintain its global position undisputedly in light of the polar unilateralism it enjoys.

The African countries, despite their relative progress over the years, will be accompanied by the continued weakness of institutions, the spread of corruption, the intransigence of development, the position of fragility;Where the restrictions arising from the lack of institutional capabilities, the transparency of management and operational restrictions of the economy and human meeting, can only hinder efforts to build peace, security and stability.

The African continent is divided from a geopolitical point of view into several security regions; With the exception of the North Africa region, which is often linked to the Middle East, especially that it is separated from the rest of the continent with the Sahara, the latter is formed with the under which the Sahel and the Sahara region. In central Africa, there are four regional security systems: the Gulf of Guinea to the west, the Lake Chad basin region to the middle west, then the Great Lakes region in the center, then East Africa that contains the sub -region known as the Horn of Africa, and finally there is a South African security system (1); Where each region constitutes a regional security system or complex that can be defined as "a group of countries closely related so that the security considerations of various regulations cannot be counted in isolation from each other" (2).

This means that security in Africa is interconnected between those regions, along with its homogeneity among its countries.Therefore, the paper will not only adopt the state as a unit for the analysis of African security, but will also be busy with its regional dimensions.Accordingly, you will try to answer the questions that are the core of any security study, which is related - in this case - by the nature of African security, by requesting it, and its issues, then by reforming it.

The position of African security in global strategies

International preoccupation with African security began internationally; Where the United Nations, starting from the 1960s, was interested in settling armed conflicts between neighboring countries either against the background of ideological polarizations as a result of the concern in the conflict between the two camps, capitalist and socialist, or because of the conflict over the distorted borders that the colonial heritage left. After the end of the Cold War, the United Nations has devoted to the settlement of conflicts within the countries, most of which were linked to the redefinition of national identities (ethnic civil wars) or by dropping post -colonial governments (legal wars), and eventually led to the collapse of those countries throughout the extended period Between 1991 and 2001.

On the other hand, Africa, for the international forces, specifically, remained synonymous with armed violence and the consequent poverty, diseases and famines, and therefore when it used to call it the black continent, it is not for the darkness.Thus, the continent eventually remained forgotten by the major countries, with the exception of the historical colonial states attempt, especially France, to influence political and economic practices with its previous colonies in Africa.

After the events of September 11, 2001, Africa in international security seemed very important; Where the continent became in the line of confrontation before the international war on terrorism led by the United States of America after the emergence of extremist groups in some of its regions. Fears have emerged to convert them into fortified havens and work fields for militant groups, just as Sudan provided a safe shelter for al -Qaeda. Therefore, the new focus on combating terrorism has also increased US military activity in Africa. The East Africa and the African Corning region formed the first African front of Washington in the World War on terrorism. In 2002, an American military base was established in the Limone Camp, Djibouti, the first American base to be opened in Africa since the Cold War ”(3), which became a starting point for US military interventions on the continent, such as air strikes, in 2006, which targeted the cessation of development Islamic rebellion in Somalia.

كما أنه بعد تراجع جاذبية منطقة الشرق الأوسط التي ظلت تستقطب أطماع القوى العظمى نتيجة دخولها في طور الاستنزاف وارتفاع تكلفة صيانة نظام الأمن الإقليمي بها، وبعد أن ظلت إفريقيا تقليديًّا في الخلف الجيوسياسي لهذه القوى، شرعت خلال السنوات الأخيرة في الاستدارة نحو القارة الإفريقية؛ حيث اجتذبت Countryان الإفريقية ذات الموارد الطبيعية قدرًا كبيرًا من الاهتمام الدولي.

The international powers have been immersed in competing for the rare resources of the African continent to achieve the maximum welfare of their citizens.Thus, these forces turn to Africa, driven by the search for their material strategic interests in particular.Therefore, its interest in the security of the continent in this framework is a matter of finding the safe context to protect these interests and ensure the flow of its flow.Consequently, the high demand for African security was never to satisfy the social needs of the African peoples, but rather to maintain foreign interests on the continent.

With the exception of the peaceful Chinese activity on the African continent, the American foreign policy towards Africa is removed towards militarization in its focus on combating terrorism and securing energy supplies, as an embodiment of the combination of security and economic trends of the policy of the superpower on the continent, against the background of seeking to create a safe environment for American investors. The United States depends in its military control over Africa on the African leadership forces (Africom) and its expanding military bases on the continent, and it aims not only to protect and ensure access to natural resources, but also to confront the Chinese and French growing influence on the continent, and to curb the arrival of other international powers to these resources. The United States is trying to camouflage its desire to dominate Africa and its capabilities with allegations of strengthening democracy on the continent through a perspective based on a comprehensive approach that integrates traditional concerns associated with terrorism and oil supplies with a wide range of concerns within the framework of the so -called new security such as human trafficking, drug smuggling, diseases, and human rights violations .

As for the European aspect, the security threats that distract its bed from the African neighborhood are mainly related to terrorism, organized crime and illegal immigration, in terms of being “explicit challenges for European interests, mainly in: reaching the strategic natural resources owned by the continent (African), as well as control On African strategic sites ”$#A4. Therefore, being the most important provider of development aid to Africa, is not a criterion for his interest in human security in the continent, but rather hides the truth of the security of development, in light of his being, in parallel to that, the most active external military intervention in Africa; “The political ties between development and security are often framed through the lenses of post -colonial speeches, and therefore, the increasing external intervention in Africa is determined as an example of the disadvantages of linking security and development” (5).

The security challenges facing Africa

In general, there are two major sources of security threats in Africa, the most common are armed conflicts on the rare resources needed for the survival of the individual or the group.The second: is the rebellion against the government or the current situation that allocates these resources at the time of peace (6).

However, many of the post -Cold War conflicts in Africa do not apply to the definition of civil war or war between states ... What most new wars share is that the uncompromising role of the state places it outside the classic war category, whether between countries or civil war;Because the state is no longer the central factor in these conflicts, in the sense that is fighting (7).

In general, and by virtue of the fact that security is the product of many actors and various interactive factors where internal and external effects are important determinants of security, and the interaction of the interior and outside is what gives African conflicts the characteristic of continuity;As external interference intensifies sources of insecurity on the continent, international competition for its military presence, the struggle for commercial ports and attempts to win the influence practiced by international powers contribute to deepening the state of penetration and the decline in the sovereignty of the African countries concerned, so it is impossible to develop security exposure.

Thus, the ability of the African continent to external influences is arranged, according to the complexity perspective, two types of intertwined challenges facing its security at two regional and local levels:

Regional security challenges

نادرًا ما تهدد Countryان الإفريقية بعضها البعض عسكريًّا؛ ذلك أنه باستثناء بعض النزاعات الحدودية كما بين إريتريا وجيبوتي، وباستثناء بعض التدخلات العسكرية كما في توثيق هجمات على جمهورية الكونغو الديمقراطية من قبل رواندا باسم ملاحقة مرتكبي الإبادة الجماعية، أو تدخُّل إثيوبيا عسكريًّا في الصومال من حين لآخر لملاحقة حركة شباب المجاهدين الإرهابية. فإن التهديدات الخارجية مصدرها فاعلون من غير الدول، أي إن الدول الإفريقية تواجه أساسًا الجماعات المسلحة المنبثقة من خارج حدودها؛ حيث صارت الحركات المقاتلة توسِّع نشاطها خارج دول توطنها. فعلى سبيل المثال، وبالرغم من وجود توتر بين الكاميرون ونيجيريا حول شبه جزيرة باكاسي إلا أن احتمال غزو نيجيريا للكاميرون ضئيل للغاية، في الوقت الذي تشكِّل جماعة بوكو حرام المنحدرة من نيجيريا تهديدًا عسكريًّا كبيرًا للكاميرون.

As far as the security of each African country is linked to its environment, that is, the stability of the security zone to which it belongs, as much as it may lead to insecurity in a country to the diet of the situation of insecurity and its spread in all parts The presence of states is threatened with either the fact that they, that is, the states, is a victim of security in the neighboring countries or - in contrast A political economy for war. This phenomenon has been indicated in the name of the regional internal explosion, so that the regional collapse can be defined as a state in which the structure of the regional state collapses, and other countries in the region are attracted to the internal conflict and in the political economy of the collapsed state, as it is a typical phenomenon of African civil wars ”(9), In parallel to showing the leaders of a region to show cooperation efforts to surround a civil war of a regional nature and adopt security policies for this purpose, “the same politicians (secretly) try to enrich themselves through the economy of the cross -border war in the region” (10).

In another way, the water policies in the Nile Basin region are a source of security threats with the possibility of armed confrontations between countries on disputes over the use of international river water; Where "new evidence today indicates the fact that the political and ecological situation in the Nile Basin has become more dangerous than before. It seems that the quality of the water is getting worse, and there are problems with the amount of water; Where some countries suffer from water poverty. These challenges are exacerbated by the strategy of building dams on both the Blue Nile and the White Nile. Perhaps the biggest of these dams is the Great Renaissance Dam in Ethiopia. In addition, there are new and increasing concerns about the potential effect of climate change on the Nile River basin. These doubts are exacerbated by the fact that most of the countries that share in the Nile Basin will be more likely to "scarce water" by 2050, due to climate change and increased water demand due to population growth "(11). This is because the continent's exposure to the devastating effects of climate violence, as well as the remnants of the extractive activities of natural resources, leads to an environmental deterioration, its repercussions may vary between the countries of the continent, but given that the environmental pattern is open, environmental damage associated with climate changes threatens certain areas of Africa, Thus, a threat remains no less important in the safety of the security risks to the continent as a whole.

كذلك، تستمر معضلة القرصنة في تهديد حركة الملاحة في منطقة القرن الإفريقي، بل تهديد الأمن البحري العالمي برمته، وذلك بالنظر إلى أن هذه المنطقة تحتل من الناحية الاستراتيجية موقع القلب من جسد الممرات البحرية الدولية، حيث تجتذب نسبة كبيرة من حركة السفن والتجارة العالمية. ومن المثير للاستغراب أن هذا الواقع يأبى إلا أن يرتفع فوق الجهود الدولية لمكافحة القرصنة بالمنطقة؛ وذلك على “الرغم من التكدس والازدحام العسكري الذي تشهده تلك المنطقة والذي لم يمنع من أن تكون منطقة القرن الإفريقي إحدى أخطر بؤر أنشطة القرصنة في العالم…-إذ- نجد هناك قواعد عسكرية أميركية وفرنسية وصينية وإيطالية وبعثة أوروبية لمكافحة القرصنة، تشارك فيها قوات من ألمانيا وبلجيكا وإسبانيا وفرنسا واليونان وهولندا وBritain والسويد”(12)، فضلًا عن قاعدة عسكرية يابانية كذلك بجيبوتي الإثيوبية، ووجود عسكري تركي في الصومال وميناء سواكن السوداني، وآخر روسي في إريتريا، دون أن ننسى الحضور العسكري العربي أيضًا.

Local security challenges

Perhaps the most prominent thing facing community security in Africa is the problem of fragmentation or identity fission for the societies of the continent's countries, although it does not always lead to conflict so that there is a relative scarcity of separatist demands, but it may create the opportunities that can be exploited by contradictory interests, some conflicts take an ethnic form or Religiously; Where the latter is just a means of organization and not a cause of conflict, and for this the civil wars that are mostly motivated by ethnic or religious factors, in most cases are driven by struggle for resources such as grazing and water lands, “and this applies to the central belt region of Nigeria that turned during the year 2018 To a conflict center, as a result of the escalation of confrontations between the sponsors (a Muslim majority) and the farmers (a Christian majority) in this belt, which separates the north and south of the country, the center of the Nigerian capital Abuja ”(13).

And thanks to the above, the ancient security impasse, that is, chronic armed conflicts within African countries, is still based on political violence, especially in light of the available availability of small and light weapons; The problems of government, especially coups and rebellions, are hesitant to have a wide arc from the countries of the continent. This is because militarization is a common feature of African rule, where rulers are fighting and occupying positions to stay in power or fight opponents to seize power; Countries like Nigeria, Ghana and the Central African Republic have seen more than five coups. However, the rebellion against the government is not only interpreted by the conflict over the ruling, but also by the struggle for resources, as it may be due to the systematic deprivation of minority groups from reaching power and economic networks alike, the rebellion against the government is still a kind of struggle in order to reach the means of survival The individual and the group within the framework of what is expressed in the "abdominal policy", and the evidence of this statement is the armed rebellion movements against governments in the Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Sudan; Where these countries inherited the structure of the colonial administration, which is implemented by controlling the land and extraction instead of government and controlling the population, and therefore the possibility of internal conflicts related to resources increases in the shadow of weak and divided central governments, where the absence of strong organizational institutions is what makes competition for resources develop into conflict. The problem is that reaching resources is what helps to extend wars, so that the motives of the conflict change from grievances to greed. Fighters on external aid or local support.

Violent armed conflicts as ancient African security threats may be relatively declining, thanks to the efforts of the United Nations Organization; Where "the organization's statistics indicate that more than 70 decisions taken by the Security Council on regional conflicts are related to Africa. It was also published nearly 80 percent of the peacekeeping forces in Africa ((14), but there are new threats that are deeply rooted in old threats such as the growth of cross -border criminal activities, illegal drug trafficking or weapons; Whereas, “The organized crime on the continent is part of“ the story of independence and the residence of states ”, ... - in view of the criminal financing of state structures” (15).

من جانب آخر، تعد إفريقيا القارة الأكثر إصابة بالإرهاب، وإن كان الإرهاب فيها يأخذ طابعًا محليًّا وليس دوليًّا. ففي ظل هذا المعطى وأمام تدهور الأوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية التي تفرز ظاهرة الدولة الهشة أو الدولة المنهارة غير القادرة على بسط سيادتها على إقليمها، يمكن أن تشكِّل هذه المناطق بيئة حاضنة مواتية لتنظيم “داعش” الذي يبحث عن مأوى جديد بعد انحساره في سوريا وIraq خاصة في ظل وجود أجنحة موالية له في التنظيمات المحلية مثل تنظيم حركة الشباب المجاهدين في الصومال، التي تمكنت من استخدام المساحات الفارغة غير الخاضعة للحكم للتدريب وتنظيم الهجمات في Countryان المجاورة مثل كينيا. وما يعزز ذلك هو تراجع الدعم الغربي للدول الإفريقية في مجال مكافحة الإرهاب، فحسب تقرير لمجلة فورين بوليسي الأميركية فإن “إفريقيا تشهد الآن انسحابًا على شاكلة الانسحاب الغربي الذي أدى إلى انهيار كابل؛ حيث أعلن الرئيس الفرنسي، إيمانويل ماكرون، في يوليو/تموز الماضي، خطة لسحب أكثر من ألفي جندي فرنسي من أصل 5100 جندي موزعين في مناطق مختلفة بمنطقة الساحل الإفريقي، وذلك بسبب ضغوط داخلية واجهتها حكومته مدفوعة بالخوف من أن تصبح منطقة الساحل أفغانستان أخرى بالنسبة لفرنسا”(16).

Reforms the security sector needs in Africa

It should be noted that African security, given that it is overlapping dimensions and actors, as well as its reform can only be brought by evoking this, which will eventually make reform a very long bridge in terms of the need for totalitarianism and the meeting of internal and external actors.

Before that, the reform of the security sector is seen as “changes in the structure and behavior of the state’s institutions responsible for prosecuting and punishing illegal manifestations of violence: the army, the police and the judiciary”#A17, with the aim of changing power relations within the sector in the direction of civil/constitutional control to transform institutional culture, and promoting professionalism,Improving the use of resources and operational effectiveness (by the security forces), and better political management (by the civil authorities), along with accountability, respect for human rights and international law, and involving inputs from a wide range of stakeholders and players (18).

ومن ناحية أولى، “يظهر إصلاح القطاع الأمني في السياق الإفريقي كمفهوم ليبرالي يستخدمه المانحون الغربيون إلى حدٍّ كبير في محاولاتهم لإعادة هيكلة قطاع الأمن في دول القارة، أو تحسين أدائه، لاسيما عند خروج Country من الصراع”(19). ومع أن هذا المفهوم يُظهر وعودًا بتعزيز الحكم الديمقراطي والرقابة على قطاع الأمن، فضلًا عن إدارته بكفاءة وفعالية إلا أنه يثير الشك على نطاق واسع في الدوافع السياسية الكامنة وراءه، بحيث أصبح من الواضح أنه واجهة لبعض اللاعبين الخارجيين لتشكيل أمن الدول الإفريقية بما يخدم أجنداتهم وليس بالضرورة لتعزيز استقرار السكان الذين يعانون من انعدام الأمن البشري.

Accordingly, the approach of security reform, as imagined by the external parties, whether it is based on the state or the non -governmental sectors, does not take into account the nature of the state in Africa completely;This is because the weak and disintegrated African countries cannot be like a base for meaningful reforms for the security sector, because the authoritarian rule spread in many African countries, which they slipped into fragile or failed countries or to conflicts and wars at best does not lead to the reform of the security sector.

For all of this, the transition to the peace stage is the most appropriate period to reform the security sector; Where the societies come out of the conflict and enter the recovery period helps the emergence of a democratic rule, many countries still need to advance in the transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule before the entire security sector reform system is introduced, while other countries have not yet reached the endowment of the conflict And move to build peace. Here, the role of the external parties becomes decisive because they can determine the schedules of the security business of weak or fragile countries and in this process, so that either they are strengthened or severely harmful to the prospects for reforming the comprehensive security sector. In general, this requires fair cooperation between the West and Africa, that is, a partnership that accepts the assumption that African countries are also national interests.

في غياب ذلك، ومن جهة ثانية، يبقى شعار “الحلول الإفريقية لمشاكل إفريقيا” هو الأنسب. وفي هذا الإطار، ينبغي إيجاد منظومة إقليمية فعَّالة لضمان أمن الدول الإفريقية تكون قادرة على دعم الجهود المحلية، وذلك على أساس أن الأمن هو منتج أو خاصية ناشئة لنظام تكيفي معقد، بمعنى أن الأمن القومي لكل دولة إفريقية هو وظيفة من وظائف نظام الأمن الذي توجد فيه. لأنه بغضِّ النظر عن مدى كفاءة دولة واحدة في إدارة أمنها القومي، فإنها حينما تجد نفسها في منطقة مضطربة ستظل معرضة للأحداث التي تحدث في Countryان المجاورة والتي تخرج عن نطاق سلطتها أو سيطرتها. طبعًا، الإطار المؤسسي لهذه المنظومة موجود، أي الاتحاد الإفريقي، الذي شارك بالفعل في جهود تسوية النزاعات والحروب المسلحة في مجموعة من الدول، لكن ضعف فاعليته بالنظر لاستمرار النزاعات وعدم الاستقرار بالقارة، تفرض حاجته لإصلاح عميق، خاصة في ظل افتقاده لسلطة تسود على حكومات الدول، وعدم استكمال مؤسساته، ثم ارتهانه للتمويل الخارجي من القوى الغربية مع ما يعنيه ذلك من تقويض لاستقلالية القرار الإفريقي.

In this context, joint regional work remains very important, but it cannot compensate for working at the Qatari level, where political solutions remain the best curricula to achieve stability and security, as there is a great need to continue developing democratic rule structures and strong institutions capable of responding in a timely manner to addressEffectively, the increasing and non -traditional threats of security, and the development of qualitative driving is a major factor in helping to prevent conflicts from appearing more.

The paradox of governance expressed by the saying remains: “strong elites and weak countries” is a deep problem in Africa, and perhaps the origin of the security curse enrolled over its countries, and therefore it is worthy of the systems of government to be strong from the institutional point of view, so that they become increasingly better in using legitimate control techniques for their societies, Including rebellion movements, rather than slope to the use of bare force. Hence, the importance of security reform stems from the role he plays "in calming violence and its ability, through dialogue, to address the specific cause behind the conflict, which often hinders stability. As competition for who will control the state's monopoly of legitimate use of strength. The reform of the security sector is not just a technical tool, but also a political tool that plays a fundamental role in stability processes ”(20).

Therefore, the African state, despite its relative progress over the years, and in light of the continued weakness of institutions, the spread of corruption and the intransigence of development, will accompany the position of fragility;Where the restrictions arising from the lack of institutional capabilities, the transparency of management and operational restrictions of the economy and human meeting, can only hinder efforts to build peace, security and stability.

There is another factor in supporting security reform, which is the economic factor, because with the weakness of the economy, governments cannot provide services, including meeting citizens' need for security as a social service;As the provision of security is a service that costs it to provide, and without a strong economy, there will not be sufficient tax revenues to the government to provide appropriate security, and in return it leads to security lack to create more opposite economic conditions, and these shortcomings lead to an increase in the conflict that exacerbates the economic situation and thus arrange more thanConflict.Therefore, bypassing this vicious circle is what constitutes one of the most prominent bets in Africa.

References of the first axis

(1)- Rhys Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy: Development Impacts in Africa and Latin America, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 113,114.

(2)- Yun Sun, Africa in China's Foreign Policy, Brookings, April 2014, “Accessed July 20, 2021”, 3-5, URL: https://brook.gs/3esv8th

(3)- Ibid.

(4)- Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 129-131.

(5) The economy is the analysis of economic strategies - especially commercial ones - that countries decide in the context of policies aimed at protecting their national economy or well -specific parts of it, to help "national companies" possess and master the main technologies and/or invade certain sectors of the global market relatedWith the production or marketing of a sensitive product or a group of products, in that its possession or control gives its owner - a country or "national" institution - an international force and influence element and contributes to enhancing its economic and social capabilities.

Pascal lorot, “de la gépolitique à la géoéconomie”, géoéconomie, vol.50, no.3, 2009, pp.9-19.

(6)- Sun, Africa in China’s Foreign Policy, 5-9.

(7)- Olayiwola Abegunrin, Charity Manyeruke, China's Power In Africa: a new Global Order, London, Palgrave McMillan, 2020, 59-61.DOI 10.1007/978-3-030-21994-9

(8)- Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 131-135.

(9)- Les Relations Chin-AFRIKUE en 2021: Des Perspectives Prometteuses, Jeune Afrique, https://bit.ly/3euw7k6

(10)- Sun, Africa in China's Foreign Policy, 6.

(11)- Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 131-135.

(12)- Taher Hani, is China extending its influence in Africa?, France 24, September 3, 2018, (Entry Date: July 7, 2120): https://bit.ly/3bhwywq

(13)- 187 billion US dollars, the value of trade between China and Africa in 2020, (arabic.peple.com.cn), April 13, 2021, (Date of Entry: July 7, 2120):

Hatbis: // house for me 2.4 L0 here

(14)- Sun, Africa in China’s Foreign Policy, 13-15.

(15)- Ibid.

(16)- Anja Lahtinen, China's Diplomacy and Economic Activities in Africa, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 37-38.DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-69353-8

(17)- Ibid.

(18)- Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 121-123.

(19)- 'Does China Dominate Global Investment?, Chinapower.csis.org.19 déc.2016, (Accessed July 21, 2021): https://bit.ly/3rxyxhx

(20)- Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 120-121.

(21) “The Chinese Ministry of Commerce: China’s expansion of agricultural products from African countries”, “People”, January 15, 2021, (Date of Entry: July 7, 2120):

Hatbis: // house for 3i 4, her secret

(22)- Les Relaces Chine-AFRIKUE en 2021, Jeune Africa.

(23)- Abegunrin, Manyeruke, China's Power in Africa, 39.

(24)- Les Relaces Chine-AFRIKUE en 2021, Jeune Africa.(Vu Le 24 Juillet 2021)

Hebis://house

(25)-Sun, Africa in China’s Foreign Policy, 23-25.

(26)- Jenkins, How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 138-141.

(27)- 'Africans ’Perceptions About China: A Sneak Peek from 18 Countries’, Affrobarometer, September 3 2020.url: https://bit.ly/3y5hrkk

(28)- Hani, is China extending its influence in Africa?Previous reference.

(29)- Risstel Tchounand, Chine / Matières Premières: Indispensable Afrique?Affriqu.latribune.fr, 01 Avril 2017, (Accessed July 20, 2021): https://bit.ly/3behxjd

(30)- Emmanuel Véron, Vers Un Impérianisme Chinois en Afrique?Le Point.fr, 09 Septembre2018, (Accessed July 20, 2021) https://bit.ly/3wzzlx3

(31)- Thierry Vircoulon, Afrique-Cine: Des Relations au Beau Fix?Le Point.fr, 15 Mars 2021, (Accessed July 20, 2021) https://bit.ly/2wkyl3n

(32)- Richard Hiault, Comment Les Chinois Mènent La Conquête de l’Astique, lesechos.fr, 19 février 2019, (Accessed July 20, 2021) https://bit.ly/2ULCJZ8

(33)- 'The New Scramble for Africa', The Economist.com, March 7, 2019.

(34)- IBID.

References of the second axis

(1)- Ryan Brown, Us to Reduce Number of TooPs in Africa, CNN, November 15, 2018, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://cnn.it/3ikkdl9

(2)- Ukraine Crisis: Russia and Sanctions, BBC, 19 December 2014, (Accessed JULY 31, 2021), https://bc.in/3xmtf5w

(3)- Mona Abdel-Fattah, Russia is heading to Africa with security and economic interests, the Arab Independent, August 14, 2020 (it was browsed on July 30, 2021), https://bit.ly/3Roubd

(4)- Next Russia-AFRICA SUMMIT to Take Place in 2022, Russkiy Mir, 08.07.2020, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/3ymbJHD

(5)- Russia and MARITANIA SIGINING and Agreement on Military Cooperration, MOSCOW Conference on International Security, 23.06.2021, (Accessed August 2, 2021), https://bit.ly/37idzipi

(6)- Jane Flanagan, Chad Reebls Trained by Russia march on Heart of Africa, the times, April 23 2021, (Accessed JULY 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/2vi6aso

(7)- PEER KUM, Russia to DePloy 600 More SELDIERS in Central African Republic, Anadolu Agency Website, 30.06.2021, (Accessed July 28, 2021), https://bit.ly/3xngtsf

(8)- After granting it a naval base .. Moscow puts ahead in the waters of Sudan and its eye on the minerals of Africa, Al-Jazeera Ten 27/2021, (it was browsed on July 27, 2021), https://bit.ly/3ft4jyb

(9)- Ethiopia, Russia Sign Various Agreements to Enhance Military Cooperration, Ena, July 12/2021, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/3imrxs2

(10)- وسط دهشة الEgyptيين.. هذه أسباب الموقف الروسي تجاه سد النهضة، الجزيرة نت، 13 يوليو 2021، (تم التصفح في 1 أغسطس 2021)، https://bit.ly/3xnjceT

(11)- MHe.Waziri, Balozi Liberata Mulamula Afanya Mazungzo Na MJumbE Maaluum Wa Shirikisho La Urusi, The United Republic of Tanzania

Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperration, 15 May 2021, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/3ikfyqb

(12)- Vladimir Shubin, Africa's Unfolding Potental for Russia, ISPI, 15 November 2019, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/3ijsuk

Between

(14)- Op.Cit.

(15)- PEER FABRICIUS, Putin ShowCases Russia's Support for Africa at Inaugural Economic Forum, Daily MAVERICK, 23 October 2019, (Accessed JULY 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/3a8fqy

(16)- Nuclear Eduction for Africa Future, Rosatom, #236DECEMBER 2020, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/3lsoyck

(17)- Julie Hessler, Death of An African Student in Moscow: Race, Politics, and the Cold War, Researchgate Juven

(18)- Jideofor Adibe, What does Russia Really Want from Africa?Brookings.edu, November 14, 2019, (Accessed August 2, 2021), https://broook.gs/3s3cfi9

(19)- France Halts Joint Army Operations with Malian Forces Over Coup, Aljazeera.com, 3 Jul 2021, (Accessed JULY 29, 2021), https://bit.ly/3a8eeg

(20)- France Resumes Joint Military Operations in Mali, Aljazeera.com, 3 Jul 2021, (Accessed JULY 29, 2021), https://bit.ly/3xwLoy1

Between

(22)- Mathieu Olivier, Car: Who Are Presedent Touadéra's Russian Guardian Angels?The Africa Report, 17 March 2021, (Accessed July 27, 2021), https://bit.ly/3lryyfo

(23)- Jideofor Adibe, What does Russia Really Want from Africa?OP.Cit.

(24)- Op.Cit.

(25) Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2020 - Sipri, Sipri.org, March 2021, (Accessed July 29, 2021), https://bit.ly/3rylwba

(26)- Paul Stronski, Late to the Party: Russia's Return to Africa, Carnegiendowment.org, October 16, 2019, (Accessed July 28, 2021), https://bit.ly/3rqtpkf

(27)- Russia Attempt to Halve Un Cross- Border Aid to Syria Fails, Aljazeera.com, 9 Jul 2020, (Accessed July 29, 2021),

Hebis: // house

(28)- Resolutions Calling on Withrawal of Forces from Crimea, Estableshing Epidemic Prepredness International Day Among Texts Adopted by General Assembly, United Nation Site, December 7, 2020, (Accessed JULY).Org/Press/EN/2020/GA12295.DOC.HTM

(29)- Nick Turse, U.S.Military Says It has a “Light Footprint” in Africa.These dockments show a vast Network of Bases.The Intercept, December 1 2018, (Accessed July 31, 2021), https://bit.ly/37f4nai

(30)-Chen Liubing, China, Africa Trade Volume Rieses 14% to $ 170B, Chinadail.com.cn, 2018-08-29 (Accessed JULY 30, 2021), https://bit.ly/2tpeora

(31)- Paul Stronski, Late to the Party: Russia's Return to Africa, Carnegie Endowment for International People, October 2019, Wathinotes, 11 Février 2021, (Accessed July 30, 2021), https://bit.

(32)- Russian Ambassador Sparks Backlash with Suggestion Guinea Change Constitation, January 11, 2019, Reuters, (Accessed July 30, 2021), https://bit.ly/3xm6wltt

Third axis references:

(1)- Tian, nan, Alexandra Kuimova, Diego Lopes Da Silva, Pieter D. Wezman, and Siemon T. Wezeman.“Trends in World Military Expenditure, 2020.”(2021).Accessed August 24, 2021: https://www.siPri.org/Publications/2021/siPRI-fact-sheets/trends-world-mightary-expenditure-2020

(2)- Hackett, James.The Military Balance 2013. Routledge, 2020. (P 324) (P333).Accessed August 24, 2021: https://hostnezt.com/cssfiles/currentaffairs/the%20miltary%20Balance%202021.pdf

(3)- Hackett, James.The Military Balance 2013. Routledge, 2020. (P 465), Accessed August 27, 2021: https://hostnezt.com/csfiles/currentaffairs/the%20MILITARY%20Balance%202021.pdf

(4)- Tian, nan, Alexandra Kuimova, Diego Lopes Da Silva, Pieter D. Wezman, and Siemon T. Wezman.“Trends in World Military Expenditure, 2020.”(2021).Accessed August 24, 2021: https://www.siPri.org/Publications/2021/siPRI-fact-sheets/trends-world-mightary-expenditure-2020

(5)-Arie Egozi, ISRAELI Arms Exports to Africa Growing, Defense Web, March 2018, Accessed August 29, 2021: https://www.denceweb.co.za/industry/industry- Endustry/israeli-ExPORTSPORTSPOSPORTSWEB.CO.to-africa-growing/

(6) أحمد مولانا، شركة فاغنر الروسية: النشأة والدور والتأثير، المعهد الEgyptي للدراسات، فبراير/شباط 2021، (تاريخ الدخول: 1 سبتمبر/أيلول 2021): https://bit.ly/3yLAlzo

“The United Nations report stipulated in 2020 that the direct Russian military logistical support provided to Wagner ... increased significantly;Where about 338 flights were monitored by Russian military aircraft that took off from Syria to Libya between November 1, 2019 and July 31, 2020. In a secret UN report issued in May 2020, sanctions observers said: The Russian Wagner Group has up to upTo 1,200 fighters in Libya. ”

(7)- Akcinaroglu, SEDEN, and Elizabeth Radziszewski.“Private Military Companies, Opportunities, and Termination of Civil Wars in Africa.”Journal of Conflict Resolution 57, No.5 (2013): 795-821.

(8)- Nader Ibrahim, Ilya Barabanov, The Lost Tablet and the Secret Dockuments Clues Pointing to A Shadowy Russian Army, BBC News, 11auugust 2021, Accessed August 24, 2021: https://www.bc.Cok/Extra/8iaz6xit26/The-Lost-TABLET-AND-THE-SeCRET-Documents

(9)-Chris Devonshire-LLIS, 84% of China's Bri Investments are in Medium-hight Risk Countries, Silk Road Briefing, Ju 2020, Accessed August 26, 2021: https://www.silkroadbriefing.com/NEWS/2002/07/84-Chinas-BRI-Investments- Medium-He- RISK-Countries/

Between

(11)- Nantulya, Paul.“Chinese Security Contractures in Africa”.Carnegie-Tinghua Center for Global Policy (2020).

(12)- وكالة الأناضول، انسحاب فرنسا من مالي.. بين معاقبة الانقلاب ومحاولة توريط Algeria (تحليل)، 13 يوليو/تموز 2021، (تاريخ الدخول: 2 سبتمبر/أيلول 2021): https://bit.ly/2VgfEhu

(13)-Theodore Shoebat, when the fresh leve maali, Africa will bendier Affhanistan, Shoebat, August 2021, Accessed August 24, 2021: https://shoebat.com/2021/08/31/when-The-French-Leave-Mali-AFRICA-WILL-Be-ATOTHAR-AFGHANISTAN/

Org/FileAdmin/DOCS/Archive/Sudan/Darfur/Armed-groups/Armed-OPPOSITION- GROUPS/SLA-AW/HSBA-SLA-A The

Fourth axis references:

(1) Forests and Energy, Energy Offer and Request: Trends and Possibilities, p. 17, World Agriculture Organization report without date, (Date of Entry: August 14, 2021):

Hebis://house

(2) Seydou ka-lesoleil.sn, Dr Pape Mamadou Touré: “La Covid-19 n'a pas eu d'Ffets juridiques majeurs sur les projets pétrolets et gaziers du sénégal, seenb duAout 2021):

You will sit://house

(3) d.Ayman Shabana, African Oil: When American policy moves behind resources, second issue, February 2013, Africa Magazine, our continent, p. 4, (Date of Entry: August 14, 2021):

Hatbis: //ww.s.

(4) Wangari Mattai, Africa and Challenge, Translation: Ashraf Mohamed Kilani, World of Knowledge, National Council for Culture, Arts and Literature, March 2014-Kuwait, p. 245.

(5) The high -level forum on Arab -African cooperation in the field of investment and trade, Libyan Jamahiriya 26/26 September 2010, reality and future prospects for oil and gas on the African continent, p. 16, (Date of Entry: August 17, 2021):

You will sit://house.

(6) Previous reference, p. 15.

(7) Adama Wade, L’AFRIKUE PeUT Peser Entre 13 Et 15% Des Réserves Mondiale, Finance Afrik, 2019/06/12, (Accessed 05 September, 2021):

Hebis://house

(Entry Date: September 5, 2021).

(8) Expectations for the Energy Field, Future Supply Fulfillment, Exxon Mobil, July 8, 2019, (Entry Date: August 17, 2021):

Hands: //xxenmble.

(9) d.Hassan Sadiq Jahim, American-Chinese competition for energy in Africa, Arab Democratic Center for Strategic, Political and Economic Studies, Berlin-Germany, First Edition 2020, p. 49.

(10) Abdul Qadir Muhammad Ali, Russian military presence in Africa and its connotations, Al -Jazeera Center for Studies, May 19, 2021, p. 8, (Date of Entry: August 11, 2021):

Hebis://house

(11) International Atomic Energy Agency Magazine 1/49, September 2007, p. 39, (Date of Entry: September 5, 2021):

Hebis://house for me

(12) Africa Report 2017/18, Real Estate Markets in a continent of prosperity and opportunities, research Knight Frank, p. 3, (Date of Entry: August 12, 2021):

Hands://house.

(13) Wangari Mattai, Africa and Challenge, previous reference, p. 247.

(14) Gregor Choprouf and Muhammadu C, where the sun shines, financing and development, March 2020, p. 54, (Date of Entry: September 5, 2021):

Hands://house for me

(15) Revue des réforms du sectteur de l’électricité en Afrique, p: 14, (Vu le 14l/08/2021):

Hanbis: // house

(16) conceptual note, increasing the budget of African governments to finance the development of the energy sector, Enkaring Africa, October 2016, p. 3, (Entry Date: August 10 2021):

Hatbis: // house for me

(17) Natural gas pipeline inside Africa: upcoming operations and projects, Stao website, February 19, 2021, (Date of Entry: August 24, 2021):

Hatbis: //ww

(18) The high -level forum on Arab -African cooperation in the field of investment and trade, previous reference, p. 4, (Date of Entry: August 16, 2021).

(19) Previous reference, p. 4.

(20) The annual report of the International Finance Corporation 2013, p. 4, World Bank website, (Date of Entry: August 22 2021): https://bit.ly/3hrdjikk

(21) d.Hassan Sadiq Hajim, American-Chinese competition for energy in Africa, previous reference, p. 176.

(22) Shell Report on Sustainable Development 2006, p. 32, Shell website, 2006 report, (Entry Date: 19 August 2021):

Hands: //j. Sahl.com

Fifth axis references

(1) -JOëL KOTEK, “Le Génocide oublié Des Heeros -“ L’ Histoire, Janvier 2002 -(Access 20 Aout 2021) sur: l’ Histoire.fr

(2) Previous reference

(3)- Jean-Paul Pougala ” Pourquoi l’Allemagne a pendu Douala Manga Bell”. Pougalanet. 30/6/2021 (acces 11 Juillet 2021) sur: https://pougala.net/ieg/index.php?p=articles&artid=277

(4)- Rapport;“Afrique: La Banque Mondaye Veut Dresser Une Carte Des Resources Minières“ Les échos, 5 Février 2014.) ACCès 1Aout 2021 (sur: https://www.lesechos.fr/2014/02/AFRIKUE-LA-BANDIAEEVeut-dresser ...

Between

(6)- Saïd Al-Charit “TERRES RARES:https://www.jeuneafrique.com/3358/conomie/terres-rares-l-afrique-entre .../

(7)- Mines Paristech Musée “Les Minéraux et leur classific” Musée de Minéralogie, Paristch, P; 6-9.

(8)-Statistique Mondiale “Production Mondiale de Saphirs” Planetscope 21 Janvier 2021) ACCès 5juillet 2021 (sur: https://www.planetoscope.com/sols/1441- PROROULUCTIONLAELEDHIRSAPHIRS.

(9)-Jean-Marc Châtaigner ”Madagascar: Le Dévelop Préplement Contrarié“ Afrique Contemporaine (N ° 251), Novembre 2014.PP: 107-124 ”

(10)- Hebdo P2 “L’AFRIKUE, Terre de Diamans: 9pays producteurs et 9pierres célébrissimes” Agencycofin, Org;07février 2019.) ACCès 10 Juillet 2021): https://www.ageeCofin.com/hebdop2/0702-63821-L-AFRIKUE-TERRRRRRRRRRRRRRRERRRE-DE-Diam ...

(11)- Mouctar ficoum “la guinée détrône la chin et devient le defuxième plus grand productteur de Bauxite dans le monde” Vivafrik.com 10décembre 2020) ACCès 28aout 2021 (sur: https/10/La-Ginee-Devient-Lee-Plus-Gran ...

(12 )-1960, pp: 397-400

(13)-John Campell “Why Cobalt Mining in the DrC Needs Urgent AttentDRC -NEEDS-URGENT-Attention.

(14) “Rare Earth elements: The twenty -first century”, BBC, June 20, 2011, (Date of Entry: September 19, 2021):

Hatbis: //

(15) Previous reference.

(16)- Raphaël Balenieri “Gafa Américanes Versus Batx Chinois: Qui Va Gagner?”Les echos.fr.18janvier 2020) ACCès8Septembre 2021) https://www.leschos.fr/tech-Medias/hightech/gafa-americains-Versus-bat ...

(17)- Report “Baidu Company Info” (Access 1auugust 2021) AT: https://www.blooberg.com/profile/company/bidu:us

(18)- Bloomberg “Ali Baba Profile” (Access 3august 2021) https://www.bloomberg.com/profile/company/1688:hk#:~:Text=aliba.com%2…

(19)- Tencent Holdings “Forbes on Tencent Holdings” forbes, 13may 2021 (Access 1sePtember 2021) at;https://www.forbes.com/companies/tency-holdings/?sh=2ddc85ab158b

(20)- Xiaomi profile “xiaomi company information” Fortune.com, 8 February 2021, (Access 28august 2021) AT: https://fortune.com/company/xiaomi/

Between-VS-batx-to-rhem-hem

(22)- Africa Combined Economy “GDP Nominal and PPP DATA, Current Prices”.International Monetary Fund.2018. Access 6 March 2020

(23)- Punam Chuhan-Pole, and Others “MINING in Africa Are Local Communities Better of?”African Development Forum, World Bank Group, PP: 154-165.

(24) Azmi Bishara, “Popularism and the Standing Crisis of Democracy”, Arab Policies, No. 40, September 2019, Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.

(25)- Report “Sudan’s Presentant Bashir Asks Putin For 'Protection' from 'Agzressive' US” France24, 23 November 2017, (Access 10September 2021) AT: https://www.friend24.com/en/en/en71123-Sudan-Presedent-Bashir-Aks-Putin- ...

(26)- Woosung Kim “Power Transition Theory and the Rise of China” IASR, International Area Studies Review, Vol 18, (3), PP: 220-25

(27)- Investigation “Urundi/Development: Les Defis de l'Emergence Analyse de Me Janvier Momo” Afrique Media, YouTube Vidéo, 17 Juillet 2021,) Acccès 20 JUILLET 2021) Sur: https:/wwww.Watch? V = r7spvkjyliq

(28)- Reuters “Cobalt to Be Declared a Strategic Mineral in Congo” 14 Mars 2018. (Access 25 August 2021) Available at: https://mobile.reuters.com/article/AMP/iduskcn1gq2rx

(29)- Annie Kelly “Apple and Google Named in Us Lawsuit Over Conogilese Child Cobalt Mining Deaths” The Guardian, 16December 2019, (Access 20 August 2021) AT: https://amp.theguardian.com/Global/DEC/16/Apple-so-AG ...

(30)-Jeune Afrique “Archives Sénégal: Le Nouvel Eldorado Minier” Jeune Afrique, 12Février 2012. (Acccès 3aout 2021) sur: https://www.jeuneafryique.com/143038nouv .../

(31)- Olivier monnier “or: Les compagenies minières Canadiennes à l'Assau de l'Anruck de l'ouast” Jeune Afrique, 07 Janvier 2019, (Acc bothMAG/692474/Economie/Or-S-Compagnies-Mini .../.

(32)-Travis Lupick “Canada-AFRICA: The Mines and the Money” The Africa Report, 25 November 2020 (Access 04 August 2021) AT: https://www.theafricareport.com/5038/canada-AFRICA-The-Mines-so-the-mo .../

(33)- Canadian International Development Platform “Canadian Mining in Africa” CIDP, 3 November 2012. (Access 2 Septembre 2021).

(34)- Le Monde Diplomatique “De L'orpaillage Médiéval à l'Exploction Des Mines Modernes” Archive MondeaFrique, Avril 1960 (ACCès 20 Aout 2021) P: 11sur: https://www.monde-dip04/a/23558

(35)- Stephanie Samson “Les Trésors Méconnnus de l’arique subsharienne française

De l’exploration à la prosction minière, 1850-1940 ”Revue économie faite homme, p: 385-391.Sur: https://www.cairn.info/l-conomie-faite-homme-9782600014595-page-385.h ...

(36) Previous reference.

(37) Previous reference.

(38)- Ken Matthysen & Iain Clarkson” Gold and diamonds in the Central African Republic” IPIS, February 2013, P: 5-6

(39)- Afrique Media, OP.Cit.

(40)-Wikileaks “Mining Convert in Central Africa” Wikileaks, 2014. (Access 20 August 2021) AT: https://wikileaks.org/car- Mining/html/convention-Tsa-note/page-1.html#L ...

(41)- Survie “Compagenie des Mines de France (et d’AFRIKUE)” survieorg;3 MARS 2014, (ACCès 2 Septembre 2021) sur: https://surVie.org/billets-D-AFRIKUE/2014/233-Mars 2014/article/COCN

(42)-Tatiana Kondratenko “Russian Arms Exports To Africa: Moscow’s Long-ter Strategy” by DW, 29 August 2020. Access 3th September 2021, Available at: https://www.dw.com/en/russian -arms-Exports-To-AFRICA-MOSCOWS-Long-TERM-…

(43) -Adou A (Russia Building Military Bases in Africa: Report -Daily Publishes Details of Reported Secret German Government Document on 'Russia's New Africa Ambitions ’-2020

(44)- Nataliya bugayova;And others “the kremlin’s inroads after

(45)-Théophile Dzaka-Kikouta, “L’elfstistissment Chinois en Afrique center” Outre-Terre 2011/4 N ° 30 |PP: 207-226

(46)- Théophile Dzaka-Kikouta, Op Cit.PP3-5.

(47)- Melvi Boss “Afrique./Afrique-Minerais-De-SANG-EET-NeOOCOLONALAISME-en ...

(48) Previous source.

(49)- Dylan Yachyshen “Great Power Competition and the Scramble for Africa” Foreign Policy Research Institute, 30 April 2020 (Access 28 September 2021) AT: https://www.fpri.org/article/2020/04Power-Competition-and-THE-SC .../

(50) Previous reference.

(51)- Eleftheris Vigne “Présenses Chinoise et Russe en Afrique: Différences, Converters, Conséquences” Institue Royale SuPérieur de Défense;Bruxelles Focus Paper 37, Juillet 2018, PP: 7-10

3763 -New -RPORT-Reve ...

(53) Previous reference.

(54)-Misha Ketchell “Why Responsible Sourcing of Drc Mineraals has major weak Spots” Conversation, 22 Avril 2019, (Access 12 August 2021) AT: https://theconversion.com/why-sponsible-Sourcing -fRCMineraals-Ha ...

(55)- Alberto Rojas Blancoraquel Villacija “Blood and Mineraals Who Profits from the Conflict in RDC?”Al-Jazeera, 19, January 2016, (Access 17 August 2021) at;https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2016/1/19/blood-and- Minerals-who-pro

(56)-Global Edge Insight “Democratic Republic of the Conoco: Economy, (Access 17 August 2021) AT: https://globaledge.msu.edu/countries/democrate-republic -f-t-acono

(57)- Pascal Nahimana “LE Géopoliticien M. Luc Michel: L’OCCIDENT VEUT SABOTER Les Processus des élections démocratiques de 2020 au burundi” Buurundi-Forum.24 novembre 2019 (Access 2 Aout 2021 (sur: https://www.burundi-forum.org/37128/

(58) The report “Khartoum declines the Russian Al -Qaeda Agreement ... and the Kremlin talks about {diplomatic} discussions”, Al -Sharq Al -Awsat newspaper, June 3, 2021, (Date of Entry: September 10, 2021):

Hanbis: //

(59) Idris Ayat, “France shows its dissatisfaction with Mali talks with“ Wagner ”, Africans”, September 19, 2021, (Date of Entry: September 22, 2021):

Hatbis:/

(60) Idris Ayat, “Congo retracts a mining deal with Chinese investors”, Africans, September 4, 2021, (Date of Entry: September 22, 2021):

Hatbis: // Barafins.

(61) Report of “Mozambak and Al -Manjam workers’ conflict on ruby ”, Oman Daily, April 21, 2017, (Date of Entry: September 20, 2021):

Hatbis: //o

(62)-Report “China's Ganfeng to Acquire Stake in Goulamina Lithium Mine for $ 130M” MININING Technology, 15 June 2021, (Access 20 September 2021) AT: https://www.mining- Technology.com/news/GANFENGStake-Mali-Lithium-Mine/

Sixth axis references:

(1)- Carmody, P. (2011).The New Scramble for Africa.UK: policy.

(2)- Unverren, B. (2021), Turkey Sees to Strengthan Africa Relaces with 'Benevolence'.Dw, https://www.dw.com/en/tukey-seeeks-to-strengthan-africa-Rlaces-With- ...;

(3) - - - MFA (2008), Istanbul adopted on August 19, 2008 at the Cooperation Summit between Turkey and Africa in Istanbul.

Hatab: // Franka.

(4)- AKCA, A. (2019).Neo-Ttomanism: Turkey’s Foreign Policy Approach to Africa.New Perspectives in Foreign Policy.CSIS ISSUE 17, https://www.csis.org/neo-TTOTONISM-Turkeys-Foreign-Policy-Approach-afr ...;

(5)- AA (2018).Turkey-Ecowas Forum Set to Begin in Istanbul.https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/Turkey-ecowas-forum-Set-to-Begin-in-ist ...

(6) -Kalehsar, O. S. (2020).Turkey's Focus on Africa: Energy Security, Political Influence and Economic Growth.https://uwidata.com/8052-tukeys-focus-on-africa-neergy-security-politi ...

(7)-FAO (2017).FAO Buttresses Growing Cooperration Between Turkey and Africa.http://www.fao.org/europe/news/detail-news/en/c/883161/

(8) -WASUGE, M. (2016).Turkey's Assistance Model in Somalia: Achieving Much with Little, The Heritage Institute (HIPS).Mogadishu

(9) -aydemir, M. (2020).Turkish Hospital in Libya Serves Security Forces 7/24.AA, https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/Turkish-hospital-in-libya-serves-securi ...

(10) -AA (2021).Turkey Provides Commando Traaining to Somali Soldiers.https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/Turkey-provides-commando-training-to-so ...

(11)- G5 Sahel (2021).Signature entre le g5 sahal et la présidnce de l’ndustrie de défnce Turque d’en unontrat de Soutien à la force conjointe.https://www.g5sahel.org/signature-henre-le-g5-sa-la-presider-de t.

(12)- AA (2020).Turkey's Help Combating Covid-19 in Africa.https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/Turkeny-s- Help-combating-covid-19-in-afr ...

(13)- MFA.Turkey-AFRICA Relations.https://www.mfa.gov.tr/Turkey-AFrica-Rlaces.en.MFA

Seventh axis references

(1) Bait Gibs, translated by Dalal Abu Haidar, Rising star China: New Security Diplomacy, Arab Book House, Beirut, Lebanon, 2009, p. 320.

(2) Amira Mohamed Abdel Halim, China earns 440 billion dollars from Africa by 2025, opinions about the Gulf, October 31, 2018, (Date of Entry: November 21, 2021):

You will sit://house

(3) Joseph Nai, Soft Power, Al -Obeikan Library, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, 2007, p. 26 (behavior), translation: Muhammad Tawfiq Al -Bajrami.

(4) صليحة محمدي، السياسة الصينية تجاه إفريقيا توظيف القوة الناعمة لاستمالة القارة الإفريقية، المجلة Algeriaية للأمن والتنمية، جامعة باتنة، يوليو/تموز 2017، ص 128.

(5) Saliha Muhammadi, previous reference: p. 129, for more more, seeing:

(6) Saliha Muhammadi, previous reference, p. 131.

(7) Saliha Muhammadi, the previous reference.

(8) - P.A;Braud “La Chine en Afrique” personalities;N0: 90 Juillet - Aout 2005.

(9)-Paul Pantulya, Forum 2021 sur la Coopération Sino-AFRICAINE: Les Prochaines étapes, (Vu LE 11 Novembre 2021): www.democraticac.de/?p=67411.

(10) Reading in a report: China's strategic behavior, Al -Jazeera Center for Studies, October 7, 2010, (Date of Entry: November 21, 2021):

Hatbis: // house for me

(11) Ahmed El -Sayed Abdel Moneim, International Institute for Strategic Studies: The development of Chinese military diplomacy from exchanging visits to vaccine distribution, Observatory site, May 18, 2021, (Date of Entry: November 15, 2021):

Hatbis://house for me

(12) The same previous referral.

(13)-Report on Chinese Investment in Africa, Forum of China-AFRICA Corporation, 02/09/2021 (Accessed 10 November 2021):

Habat: //u Fox.

(14) Muhammad Faraj, Sky News Arabia, Reading in the American National Security Document .. China the biggest challenge- Cairo, L 4 March 2021, (Date of Entry: November 15, 2021):

Hatbis://house for me

(15) Chinese Ambassador Wang and Megbashing, China and Africa, a positive model in international relations, the Chinese embassy site in Libya, January 6, 2011, (Date of Entry: November 15, 2021):

Hands://house

(16) Lina Benbdallah, China's Peade and Security Strategies in Africa: Building Capacity Is Building Paace!Cafeica Studied Quarterly, Volume16, Issue December 2016.

(17) The rise of “Chinese policy towards Africa”, tomorrow's site, July 25, 2011, (Date of Entry: November 10, 2021):

Hands: // house for me

(18) Adel Abdel Ghaffar and Anna Jacobs, Beijing calls: evaluation of China's growing presence in North Africa, policy summary, Brookings Doha, September 23, 2019, (Date of Entry: November 10, 2021):

Hebis: //Bruk.

(19) Ali Hussein Bakir, the concept of “peaceful ascension” in China's foreign policy, Al -Jazeera Center for Studies, April 21, 2011, (Entry Date: November 18, 2021):

Hebis://house

(20) Yasmina Knooz, Hanan Nakhl, strength and influence from the economic policy of China in Africa, a complementary memorandum to obtain the Master Certificate of a new LMD system in political science: specializes in international relations and security policies, Guelma University, academic season 2012/2013.

(21) Hussein Ismail, Chinese-African Cooperation in the New Age, 2018, (Date of Entry: November 18, 2021):

Hands://house for 3, 4 Kisif

(22) Mahmoud Saad Diab, Chinese official: 144.27 billion dollars, the volume of trade exchange between China and the Arab countries in the first half of 2021, (Entry Date: 20 November 2021):

Hebis: // Graham.

(23) The rulers of Abd al -Rahman, the Chinese presence strategy in Africa, Arab policies, No. 22, September 2016.

(24) These numbers were received by the Chinese Deputy Minister of Trade (Chan Ke Ming) to the Chinese News Agency (Chinhua): China and Africa are strengthening trade cooperation between them despite the outbreak of the pandemic, November 18, 2021, (Date of Entry: November 20Second 2021):

References of the eighth axis:

(1) “France Africa”, how did France plunder the goods of Africa for more than half a century?/2yrauvm

(2) France and its former colonies: Why did independence remain deficient?

(3)- Africa entre multipartism, partis uniques et régimes militaires entre 1950 et 1990 (complément au dossier du 8.6.18), 8 Juillet 2019 (Vu Le 26 OctoBre 2021): https://bit.ly/3h5h

(4)- Allocution de M. François Mitterrand à la Baule le 20 Juin 1990, (Vu Le 25 OctoBR

(5)- Jean-Bédel Bokassa, Britannica, Oct 30, 2021 (Accessed October 19, 2021): https://bit.ly/3cz3ytl

(6) The story of the struggle of power over the goods of Africa: Did France collude in the Guinea coup to block the road on China?/3Cyqrzd

(7) In 10 years .. 7 French military operations in Africa (Infogics), Anatolia Agency, February 2, 2016, (Entry Date: 3 November 2021): https://bit.ly/3d1xlu9

(8) In 2012, the French intervention prevented the control of the armed Islamic groups, on the financial capital, Bamako, and the overthrow of the political and military system in Mali after they took control of the most important regions of the north.

(9)- Histoire du Franc CFA, BCEAO (NON DATE), (Vu LE 25 OctoBre 2021):

Hebis://house

(10) The French nightmare in Africa (Section Two): New Colonialism, Anatolia Agency, February 11, 2020, (Entry Date: 1 November 2021): https: //bit.ly/306zmjb

(11) She was assassinated and toppled 22 presidents ... This is how France ruled Africa from a curtain for 50 years, Al Jazeera Net, June 8, 2021, (Date of Entry: November 3, 2021): https: //bit.ly/2ytkpyh

(12) It is possible to represent with the pursuit of the former Mauritanian President, Mukhtar Ould Daddah, to review economic agreements with France, before the Sahara war erupted and Mauritania returns to resort to French aviation to protect its airspace.

(13) She was assassinated and toppled 22 presidents .. Al -Jazeera Net, a previous referral.

(14) France, tyrant maker in Africa, Arab Post, without date, (Date of Entry: November 3, 2021): https://bit.ly/2ysa0kd

(15), for example, it is possible to infer a massacre that was carried out by the French forces against 300 Islamic scholars in Chad, as well as burning Islamic schools and looting libraries in Mauritania, Senegal and Mali.

(16) Francophone into multilateral cooperation, French Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, without date, (Date of Entry: November 1, 2021): https://bit.ly/3h1ybct

(17) Francophone is a colonial ideology with a cultural and linguistic cover, Arab Times, February 27, 2010, (Entry Date: October 29, 2021): https://bit.ly/3bwavr9

(18) غزو أميركي عبر البوابة Moroccoية… ما الأهداف الاقتصادية لواشنطن في القارة السمراء؟، وكالة سبوتنيك، 12 مارس/آذار 2021، (تاريخ الدخول: 2 نوفمبر/تشرين الثاني 2021): https://bit.ly/3BXDrlB

(19) Antoine Glaser Pascal Airault: Le Piège Africain de Macron, Fayard.Mai 2017 (Vu Le 25 Octobre 2021): https://bit.ly/3qikbu7

(20) 186 billion dollars, the volume of trade exchange between Turkey and Africa, February 5, 2020, (Entry Date: October 30, 2021): https: //bit.ly/307snxh

(21)- Exclusif- Emmanuel Macron: «Entre La France Et L’AFRIKUE, CE Doit être Une Histoire d’Aour, 20 Novembre 2020 (Vu Le 25 Octobre 2021): https://bit.ly/3Bz2MVE

(22) Mona Abdel -Fattah: Russia is heading to Africa with security and economic interests, the Arab Independent, August 14, 2020, (Entry Date: October 31, 2021): https://bit.ly/3h4PV8O

(23) In The Car, France and Russia Engage in a mini cold war, the Africa Report, 2/17/2021, (Accessed 30 October 2021): https://bit.ly/3czxjzz

Ninth axis references:

(1) Russian foreign policy in the historical and current contexts, Rand American Foundation, 2015, (Entry Date: October 25, 2021): https://bit.ly/3wo7667

(2) Russia and the re -discovery of Africa again: "Cooperation, interests and risks" scenarios, Arab Democratic Center, February 3, 2017, (Date of Entry: October 30, 2021): https://democraticac.de/?p=43279

(3) English Opportunism “Russia’s Role in the Horn of Africa, The Foreign Policy Research Institue, Jul 2, 2020 (Accessed October 31, 2021): https://bit.ly/3wm3g3Q

(4) Late to the party: Russia's Return to Africa, Carnegie Endowment, Oct 24, 2019 (Accessed October 26, 2021): https://bit.ly/3kcnk8z

bit.ly/3017li9

References of the tenth axis:

(1) (1) See this: Hisham Al -Qarawi, New American Strategy, Namaa Center for Research and Studies, May 22, 2013, (Date of Entry: September 15, 2021): https: //bit.ly/3wsxwh

(2) Gary Leupp, “We're Taking Download Seven Countries in Five Years”: A regime Change Checklist, www.dissidentvoice.org, January 17, 2007, (Accessed Septemer 10, 2021): https://bit.ly/3tqrhbt

(3) مناورات الأسد الإفريقي أو ما يصطلح عليه بالإنجليزية(African Lion Maneuvers)‏هي مناورات عسكرية مشتركة تقام بين كل من الولايات المتحدة الأميركية والمملكة Moroccoية بمنطقة طانطان Moroccoية والتي انطلقت عام 2007.

(4) The influence of Nazem Abdel Wahid, the Arab world on the NATO strategy after the eleventh of September 2001, published Master Thesis, Institute of Arab Research and Studies, Arab League, Cairo, 2008, p. 29.

(5) Hamdesa Tuso: “The Crisis of U.s.Foreign Policy Toward

(6) John Prendergast, Building for People in the Horn of Africa: Diplomacy and Beyond (Washington D.C. The United States Institute of People, June 28, 1999) P187.

(7) د. عبد الملك عودة، السياسة الEgyptية وقضايا إفريقيا، مؤسسة الأهرام، 1993، ص 81.

(8) Renyseignor, Le Center Français de Recharche sur le renseignement (CF2R), N 1184, LE 20 JuIN 2021, P., 5, 5

(9) وهي بلدة صغيرة تقع في المنطقة الوسطى الغربية من المملكة Moroccoية.

(10) RNSEIGNOR, IDEM, P., 5

(11) مناورة عسكرية مشتركة كبيرة تنظم سنويًّا تحت قيادة الولايات المتحدة وكأنها مخبر لاستعراض قوة العديد من المشاركين في تلك التدريبات وذلك منذ انطلاقها (من 8 إلى 18 يونيو/حزيران من the year الجارية 2021). كما تعد أحد أكبر التمارين السنوية للقيادة العسكرية الأميركية لإفريقيا والتي يستضيفها الجيش الملكي Moroccoي سنويًّا وبشكل منتظم؛ حيث احتوت على مجموعة من التدريبات التنفيذية البرية منها والبحرية والجوية. للعلم، لقد شاركت كل من المملكة المتحدة، والبرازيل، وكندا، وتونس، والسنغال، وهولندا، وإيطاليا، فضلًا عن الناتو، إلى جانب مراقبين عسكريين من حوالي ثلاثين دولة في تلك المناورات. والتي أُلغيت النسخة الخاصة منها بسنة 2020 بسبب ظروف مرتبطة بجائحة كورونا. حُشِد خلال هذه الطبعة حوالي مئة دبابة و46 طائرة دعم و21 طائرة مقاتلة. كما رُصدت لتلك التدريبات ميزانية قُدِّرت بـ24 مليون دولار (19.6 مليون يورو).

(12) James Jay Carafano, and Nile Gardiner, ”U.S.Military Assistance for Africa: A Better Solution ”The Heritage Foundation, October 15, 2003, Accessed September 10, 2021): https: //herit.g/3Tra7l7

(13) The United States and other world powers did not move in what happened in Rwanda, 1994, nor in other African crises, which is explained by the selective American positions.

(14) Perhaps this reason is the same that can exclude the United States from its policy in Africa to end the French presence in it according to the slogan of the exit of the French; Where there are two main justifications, namely: taking advantage of its historical experience in intervention as well as benefiting from it as an international ally and its relations with the Francophone countries in North Africa in its global campaign against terrorism, and this matter was accepted and approval during the era of the former French President, Jacques Chirac, and also meets the same acceptance and approval On the part of the current French president, Emmanuel Macron, as part of the policy of understanding with the United States to stay in Africa.

(15) Abdel-Nour bin Antar, a modern attempt by the concept of Arab national security, Cairo: General Secretariat of the League of Arab States, 2008, pp. 74-76.

(16) إبراهيم شابير الدين، الأفريكوم.. حماية المصالح الأميركية تحت غطاء Partnership، مركز الجزيرة للدراسات، الأحد 23 يونيو/حزيران 2013، (تاريخ الدخول: 15 سبتمبر/أيلول 2021): https://bit.ly/3Cnl6io

(17) Maya Kandel, “Les Etats-Youis, L’AFRIKUE,” obsevatoire de la Défense (Fondation Jean-Jaurès / Orion, N ° 22, 7 Février 2013) P.2.

The eleventh axis references:

(1) For more details about these security areas, see:

Manu Lekunze, Inharent and Contemporary Challenges to African Security, (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), P-P: 6-8.

(2) Karin Dokken, African Security Politics RedFined, First Pubshed, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), P. 12.

(3) Elizabeth Schmidt, Intervention In Africa: From the cold war to the War on Terror, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 215

(4) Burwall Al-Tayeb, European-French Union Strategy for Security and Development in the African Sahel region, Academic Researcher Magazine, No. 1, 2019, p.692.

(5) Toni Haastrup, Charding Transformation Through Security: Contentportary Eu-AFRICA Relations, (Palgrave Macmillaan: New York, 2013), p.6.

(6) Manu Lekunze), P. 5

(7) James J4.

(8) Gilbert Khadiajala, East Africa: Security and Heritage of fragility, translated by Muhammad Khalfan Al -Sawafi, First Edition, Global Studies Series, No. 86, (Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2009), p. 47.

(9) Karin Dokken, P. 18

(10) IBID.

(11) Hamdi Abdel -Rahman, Diplomacy of “Blue Gold”: Trends of Security on Water Cases in Africa, Future Center for Research and Advanced Studies, March 26, 2020, (Date of Entry: September 18, 2021): https: // bit.Ly/2xmcbhq

(12) Safaa Azab, Piracy is a threat to the Horn of Africa and requires confrontation from the whole world, the new Somalia, September 26, 2019, (Date of Entry: September 20, 2021): https://bit.ly/3ajn6fr

(13) Amira Abdel Halim, sectarian conflict in Nigeria ... a model for the influence of climate change, Al -Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, December 2, 2018, (Date of Entry: September 20, 2021): https://bit.ly/3O98k9g

(14) Hamdi Abdel -Rahman, Africa and the international system .. The Dialectic of Marginalization and Advancement, International Politics, No. 200, April 2015, p. 134.

(15) New Humanity Organization, Analysis: Understanding Organized Crime in Africa, July 14, 2014, (Date of Entry: September 21, 2021): https://bit.ly/3u8n1jl

(16) Al -Jazeera Net, with the increasing jihadist groups in it .. Is the war on terrorism to Africa?

(17) Nadine Ansor, Security Security Reform in Africa: Donor Approaches Versus Local Needs, Contomborary Security Policy, 38 (1), 2017, p.1.

(18) Sarah Detzner, Modern Post-Conflict Security Security Reform in Africa: Patterns of Success and Failure, African Security Review, (26) 2, 2017, p.118.

(19) Anthoni Van Nieuwkerk, Security Security Reform in Africa in Africa, in: James J. Hentz, (ED), Op Cit, P.13

(20) The African Forum for Security Sector Reform, Trends of Security Sector Reform in Africa and its Challenges, Addis Ababa, 26-24 November 2014, p. 4.

5/5 - (1 صوت واحد) الوسومافريقيا