Amd/ ■ It is the fifth of the series "The Guide to Knowledge", deals with in the first and second chapters: an emergency, a path, and the content of scientific socialism that adopted the physical physical understanding in reading history, and established the general pattern of theoretical - critical thinking in the circle of human meeting, by what is known as "Historical materialism", and its subject is to study the general issues and laws of the development of society, and the motor of the social forces of this development, which led - on the one hand - to reveal the mystery of the capitalist production pattern based on the law of value generated to accumulate capital through acquisition of the surplus value produced by the workforce; And the hand - on the other hand - is on the essence of the structural crisis of the capitalist production pattern, caused by the ovity of the accumulation of capital, which leads periodically to the destruction of an important part of the social capital.
■ Between these two concepts, the first of which is the basis for the emergence of the pattern of capitalist production, and the second is the cause of its trial crisis, a set of laws, rules and knowledge is located, dealing with the issue of producing material and spiritual goods in human societies, and the contradictions that arise in their context, all of which belong to a specific knowledge field that is.Political economy », which is close to its most important aspects, the third chapter of the book.
■ Scientific socialism as a curriculum based on historical materialism, is the theory of the revolution at the cosmic level of the content of the social revolution led by the working class movement in the developed capitalist countries, and the national democratic revolution in developing countries led by a broad national front in which the working class is in alliance with the widest democratic forces, as a leadership role from The postponement national independence, political democracy, the resolution of the agricultural issue, and the launch of national production forces, ... this is what the fourth chapter of the book depends on, if it is at the level of the tasks of the national democratic revolution and its driving social forces, or at the level of strategy and tactics of the working class in this revolution.
■ The aforementioned chapters are established for the fifth chapter that addresses some of the most important foundational concepts of the party's theory, and what is meant is the Labor Party, the poor of farmers and other hardshipFreedom and equality with its political and social dimensions together.
■ The foregoing highlights the significance of the title of the book that combines/ connects the scientific socialism on the one hand, and the party's theory of its class social smile on the other hand, considering that what scientific socialism is proposed as a guide to work for revolutionary change, whether at the level of national or social liberation,The consequent programmatic formulation whose main lines are determined by the tangible historical conditions in the given period given, but it requires the creation of the capable mediation, which is prepared to undertake this change role, and therefore it calls for the existence of the party clearly with its class and intellectual identity at the same time.
■ The bottom line: The scientific socialism is not limited to the interpretation of social reality with its contradictions and the outcome of its course, but rather a theory that illuminates the way for that practice (Praxis) that occurs the desired revolutionary change.Scientific socialism emanates from the objective necessity of human meeting in a specific period of its general development, and therefore it does not only make its way the power of its ideas, but by turning its ideas into a tremendous material force by moving it into awareness and help of those who work systematically organized in order to perceive its goals.
■ On this background, the sixth chapter of the book comes to search - from the perspective of the political program for the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine - on the subject of social forces, which drives the national liberation revolution in its multiple dimensions, specifically from the two corners of the political geography of the social base that embraces the Palestinian diaspora societies, or from the angle of the dynamism of the forcesThe social it is based on in the occupied Palestinian areas - 1967.
■ In this context, Chapter VI depends on the concept of "revolutionary democracy" and the political movement attributed to it, which reflects its composition and tasks the reality of the prevailing economic formation - in general - in developing countries.
Accordingly, the reality of the Democratic Front as a left -wing democratic party is highlighted with a specific intellectual and class identity, as it is at the heart of the broad revolutionary democratic trend, but by the Palestinian condition, whose national movement is still struggling in the first part of the democratic national revolution, that is, in order to liberate its national soil on the path of independenceThe accomplishment, and from here the liberation patriotism mainly, which does not contradict the tasks of a democratic nature that was given itself in particular, after the emergence of the authority of autonomy in the West Bank and the sector ■
Editor
Chapter One
In Scientific Socialism (1/2)
■ In scientific socialism: origin and path
■ Elements in the physical physical understanding of history
■ Production (patterns) methods
■ Issues and concepts from the perspective of scientific socialism
Institute of Social Sciences
For the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
In scientific socialism: genesis and path
[■ الفقرة 2 من an introduction The internal system (بعنوان: «1– Definition and goals») الصادر عن أعمال المؤتمر الوطني العام السابع For the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine- 2018، تنص على مايلي: «تسترشد The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine بالإشتراكية العلمية كA method for analyzing social reality, and a guide to work to change it». وفيما يلي مساهمة تضيء على جوانب معيَّنة من الموضوع المطروح:]
(1)
The emergence of scientific socialist thought
■ Socialist thought grew up in the contemporary stage, and its proposals flourished with the beginning of the 19th century in the face of social grievances caused by the pattern of capitalist production (the starting point in all its momentum at that time) due to the mechanisms of exploitation, oppression and westernization that were imposed on the modern working class that formed in conjunction with the production patternCapitalist.However, this thought - its general direction - has taken place - to idealism, utopian and moral preaching.
■ The historical achievement of Marx and Engels represented from the 1940s by transferring socialist thought from its imagined utopian level, to its scientific level, i.e. theoretical after the practical practice (the so-called Praxis), so we came before the so-called "scientific socialism" that relied on discoveriesIt is extremely important at the levels of human political thought in general, and on the socialist proposal in particular, among the most important of them are three:
1- ■ The introduction of the physical material (curriculum) understanding of the reading of history, what it rose to the level of science.What concerns us in the context is not the science of the tangible history to which this approach is established, but rather the general pattern of theoretical thinking, and the understanding of the world (in the sense of human meeting) that this approach is inaugurated by the so -called "historical materialism" that is based on the following foundational principles:
A) Social existence (reality) determines social awareness, with the second reflection and interaction of the first.
B) The contradiction between the forces of production and production relations constitutes the engine of history, that is, the engine of progress in society;In this context, the social class struggle falls.
C) The destination of history is progressive, evolutionary, from the low -social social formations to the highest formations, while emphasizing the reality of varying development in one society, as well as between various countries and societies.
D) The truth is always tangible, and there is no abstract fact.
Among the things that resulted from this, the following: The style (style) material production is the true rule of history.The history engine is based on the development of production forces as a key factor, and production relations as a decisive factor.Awareness in its reality is an expression of a material social relationship.The distinction between social existence and awareness is not a distinction between two facts, but rather between the tangible truth and the abstract side of the same truth.Accordingly, historical material sacrifice is the general expression of the relationship between social existence and awareness.
2- ■ revealing the mystery of the capitalist production pattern itself, based on the law of value through which the value of the commodity (any commodity) is determined by the number of social hours necessary (i.e. at a certain level of the development of strong production and relations) to produce it.
Since the workforce is a commodity that is exchanged in the labor market, its value is determined by the number of social hours necessary for its production and reproduction.In addition to what is equal to other commodities, the advantage of the workforce is determined as being born to a "valuable surplus" that the owner of the capital is acquired, so it consumes a portion of it (i.e. the return), and turns the other part into a capital added to the original in the context of the so -called "accumulation of the headMoney".
The value law has revealed the essence of capital exploitation of the workforce (i.e. the exploitation of the capital of the worker), and the mechanism of this exploitation that is in the rising spiral circle to expand the capital.
3- ■ revealing the essence of the structural crisis of capitalism, including the crisis of the flood of the accumulation of capital caused by the contradiction between the requirements of expediting accumulation by increasing the productivity of work on the one hand, and the deterioration in the profit rates to which this increase leads on the other hand;The crisis in this specified context is only an emergency station to resolve this contradiction, with the partial destruction of this station for social capital (financial markets are one of its most important fields) and a comprehensive reduction in its value ■
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The field of knowledge and methodology
For historical political and material economy
■ Between the value of value -generating value (the established law/ method/ method of capital production) on the one hand; And between the essence of the most important structural crisis of the capitalist system, including the crisis of the accumulation of capital, which establishes its slope, on the other hand; A set of laws, rules and knowledge is located ... dealing with the process of producing material and spiritual goods in human societies, and the contradictions that arise in their context, all of which belong to a specific knowledge field, which is the political economy, with a science that studies certain aspects of the lives of human society, that is, and with more Determination: The political economy studies the social system of production and economic relations between people during the production process; So, it is a science that studies the laws that govern the production, exchange and distribution of material goods in the various stages of the development of human society.
Historical materialism studies the general issues of society's development: the structure of society, the interaction between various aspects of social life, the general development laws of human society, the social and material forces that move this development.
■إنطلاقاً من هذا التعريف، ومن هذه الزاوية بالتحديد، يقع الإقتصاد السياسي في The field of knowledge and methodology للمادية التاريخية، كون الأخيرة تعبِّر عن جوهر المفهوم المادي للتاريخ، الذي يعتبر أن العامل الأساس والحاسم في تطور المجتمع البشري هو – بالتحليل الأخير – إنتاج وإعادة إنتاج الحياة الحقيقية، الفعلية، بكل جوانبها المادية إبتداءً، ومن ثم جوانبها غير المادية (الروحية). إن المادية التاريخية تضيء هذا الطريق بمنهجها، وعلى يد مبادئها التأسيسية الثلاثة الآنف ذكرها■
(P)
The path of scientific socialist thought
■ Against the background of the struggles of the working class, the formation of its movement, the regularity of its ranks, and the elevation of its awareness of itself, theoretical discoveries that indicated some of its most important addresses allowed the establishment of "scientific socialism", and to go to its spacious militant horizons by the working class organized by its parties and unions.On this cumulative background, the historical achievement led by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, which, through the Soviet Union, was established, the first political system raised the flag of scientific socialism in the history of mankind.
■ We do not miss in the context, referring to the extremely important achievements that Lenin has achieved in the theoretical field, and among the most important: the varying law of development that governs capitalism in its monopolistic (imperialist) phase, which presents the possibility of the victory of the social revolution led by the working class in a backward capitalist country, which allowed By developing the Russian revolution strategy with its socialist goals, which was based on an alliance between workers and peasants; Among them also: linking the socialist revolution with the national liberation struggle in the colonial and semi -colonial countries ..; This is without forgetting Lenin's serving of the theory of the Vanguard Party and its relationship to the working class, and the trade union movement.
It is worth noting that these historical stature (Marx, Engels, Lenin) and other shiny names that are narrowed by (Plekhanov, Kotsky, Hilvering, Lipocht, Rosa Luxembourg ...), which combined the genius of thought and its creativity, and the effectiveness of the leadership roleIn the field .. these luxurious statures did not attribute this thought to itself, and did not name it in its name or in the name of others, but rather its priority with one title, which is: Scientific Socialism.
■ It is also worth recalling that scientific socialism - at the levels of theory and application - continued, and still continues, its development by leaders and senior thinkers after the departure of the “founding fathers” mentioned, including: Maozi Tong, Demotrv, Gramsci, Lukash, Altoser, Bolantzas,Lucien Sev, Samir Amin, and others ... It is wrong for the proportions of scientific socialism to any of them, or to a number of them, and if it is permissible to talk about ideas, jurisprudence and developments (and proposals, and work assumptions ...) they submitted, not always formed, and not necessarily, originallyThat a consensus is formed around it ■
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A method for analyzing social reality, and a guide to work to change it
■ The term Marxism -Leninism did not resolve the place of scientific socialism in political literature until after the death of Lenin, not considerations related to the purity of the purity of "theory" in front of the possibilities of distortion and mercenaries, as some may take away his belief, but rather in order to provide an umbrella that allows the attitudes and policies related to building socialismIn the difficult circumstance, which was passed by the Soviet Union to this "theory", or its direct derivations, which opened the way for the "political employment" of the theory with all its negative aspects, we are not going to go into it in this hurry.
■ From all of the above, we conclude the following: The scientific socialism is the theory that expresses the thought of the working class and its revolutionary vision of social reality within the framework of its historical development march, and the prospects of this march. It is a theory that is distinguished as scientific and revolutionary at the same time; It is a scientific theory, in the sense that it is not a rigid belief or a fixed recipe, and it is not a closed intellectual system that involves - before me and in advance - to solutions and answers to what the human meeting, its movement and its contradictions, puts on issues and problems; Rather, it is an approach that summarizes the laws of social development, to analyze reality as it is, in fact, away from ideological forgery and distortion, which is practiced by the dominant classes in order to devote their intellectual domination to the toilers and mislead them; It is a revolutionary theory, meaning that it is not satisfied with describing reality and analyzing it, but rather a guide to work in order to change it a revolutionary change in the direction of progress, and for the interest of workers and the general arms of their arms and their brains ■
2018
Elements in the physical physical understanding of history
[■ In the context of what was presented to him previously about "scientific socialism", it is worth stopping in front of a number of concepts and concepts - the key, on which the scientific socialism derived from the physical physical understanding of history, and also helps to clarify many issues, which will be received in the seasonsSubsequent:]
(1)
The production of material goods is the basis of society's life
■ The basic and decisive factor in the development of human society is - with the last analysis - the production and reproduction of real life, actual in all its material aspects, and then illegal (spiritual).The production of material goods is not based on individuals, not a bond that brings them together, but on the basis of groups, as it is social production.
■ The production of material goods consists in each of its historical stages of two elements: productive forces (human work force + means of production) + production relations (relations between people in the context of the process of producing, exchange, distribution and consumption of material goods).The main factor that determines the nature of these relationships is ownership of the means of production (and circulation).The relationship of people to production determines the place and placement of individuals in the production process and the distribution methods of work products.Finally, the Union of Productive Forces and Production Relations leads to determining the method (or style) of production ■
(a)
The construction and the superstructure
■ Innovative building (basic, or base) is the sum of production relations.As for the superstructure, it is a system of political, legal, philosophical, religious, behavioral and aesthetic ideas, ideological relationships ... and the corresponding institutions that carry it.It includes the superstructure: the state, the judiciary, political parties, religious institutions, and others.
■ The basic (basic) construction is the sum of production relations, it is the economic structure of society;And the construction of the inferiority is a constructive building in relation to the superstructure, which are interacting and affecting each other from this binding relationship, and if they are not equal, then the constructive construction is the basis for the superior construction, which in turn plays a decisive role in many cases in the dynamism and development of the infinite construction, as is the case.The state »(calculated on the superstructure), for example, from the point of view of the influence of the state on the dynamic and the development of production and exchange relations (and circulation), and the role of specific social classes in all this ■
(P)
The relationship between the infiltrators and the superstructure
■ The relationship between the infiltrators and the superstructure تكون بالنسبة لبعض القضايا علاقة المتبوع بالتابع، أي أن البناء التحتي يستدعي بعض التجليات على مستوى البناء الفوقي (في القضايا الثقافية، والجمالية، وغيرها..) التي تتسق معه، ولو بعد حين.
وكذلك الأمر، بالإمكان أن تكون The relationship between the infiltrators and the superstructure – في أحيان أخرى– قائمة على علاقة الأساسي بالحاسم، فمحرك التطور في المجتمع ليس البناء الفوقي، بل البناء التحتي، لكن الأخير لا يفرض نفسه ولا يكتمل شرطه إلا بتطور موازٍ أو لاحق للبناء الفوقي، وبالتحديد على مستوى السلطة السياسية؛ فالثورة الفرنسة- 1789 (التي أحدثت تغييراً جذرياً على بنية الدولة ومنظومتها القانونية، الفكرية، الخ..) تؤَّجت إنتصار البورجوازية (أي نمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي) على طبقة النبلاء المتحالفة مع الإكليروس (أي نمط الإنتاج الإقطاعي)، وثبتت صيغة الدولة التي تعكس السلطة السياسية للطبقة المسيطرة إقتصادياً (البورجوازية)، أي الطبقة الأساسية في المجتمع بحكم أسلوب الإنتاج السائد.
The French Revolution was necessary to resolve the class content of the ruling authority and its shape (through the state) consistent with the rising production method, that is, the method of capitalist production.
■ Infrastructure (basic, infrastructure) in society includes the overall production relations between people that arise and form in the context of the production process (consumption and trading/ exchange) and reproduction to the material conditions of their lives.
In this context, the superstructure in society appears as an ideological, political -legal form of the economic content of the life of society (i.e. its social life), where the superstructure has a relative independence from the infrastructure, but rather on a basis and within the framework of the general association of the superstructure of infrastructure.
It is this relative independence that explains the survival of some aspects of superstructure (for example: traditions, behavior, aesthetic and artistic taste ...) on its old for a while - may be prolonged - from time, even after the change in the infinite construction, without eliminating the validity of the general rule thatIt stipulates that the various manifestations and expressions of superstructure are inflicted on the end of the change in the construction ■
(4)
Excellence in the general association between infinite and superstructures
■ The general association between the builders (the urban and the superior) does not put the various components of the superior construction (the state, the law, religion, philosophy, art, etc.) on the same level. These components are related to each other and with the infrastructure in a different way: the state, the law with its institutions, and political organizations ... are directly related to the economic structure (the infinite building) of society; While other components (philosophy, religion, art, ...) are far from the infinite construction that are indirectly related to it. As far as the components of the superstructure are directly related to the construction, it is clearly evident how deep and interacting the basic relationship with the decisive for these two buildings (or structures).
■ The interdependence between the builders on the one hand, and the independence of al -Fawqi from the relatively inferiority on the other hand, opens to the active reverse influence of social awareness on social existence, without eliminating that basic principle in historical materialism that is briefly expressed by the essence of the material concept of history, which is: social existence determinesSocial awareness.
Hence, the important summary of the struggles and militants in the ranks of the mass movement: social (class) awareness has a clear amount of relative independence because it is influenced by the resulting components of the resulting superstructure - for example - on education and acquisition of knowledge in its various fields, or/ and from concrete societal practice, etc..
■ As for the economic -social formation, it is a product of infrastructure (production method) and the superstructure (the system of ideas and its institutions), which is a society "in a certain stage of its historical development".
From this angle and given its tangible, it is possible (especially in the countries of developing societies) to coexist more than one (style) production within a specific economic -social formation.
In this context, the multiplicity of methods (patterns) of production may be embodied in some economic sectors more than others, and in some local communities (rural, or urban ...) more than others, but the multiplicity of production methods does not eliminate the truth of the domination of one of them over others, onThe background of the interaction of these methods among themselves through cooperation and conflict relations.For example: the multiplicity of patterns (methods) of production in developing countries (small commodity production pattern ..) does not eliminate the dominance of the capitalist production pattern on social training, etc. ... ■
1991
Production styles (patterns)
[■ Before the emergence of capitalism as a production method, human societies went through a number of social -economic formations, each of which prevailed in a different production method from others.What are these formations, how was the production method in them, and how it is over?The following is a brief presentation of the production methods that - as a public line - have been chronically successfully on a number of European societies, as a guidance model that is guided by presenting and reviewing the experiences of other societies:]
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Primitive radioactive production style
■ Primitive radioactivity is the first form of human society, in which the method of production prevailed in the purpose of preserving life and its continuation. People learned to make stone tools, then work tools have evolved into the metal. The form and organization of work was the simple cooperation between members of society, and work, production and ownership involved a direct social nature, which prevailed in equality between members of society. The economy was in kind, that is, a person does not know money in it, and does not know the exchange of goods, so what is produced is distributed to members of society. There was no surplus in material goods, which could be possessed. In other words, because of the primitive producing forces, joint action was inevitable, and there was no contradiction between the productive forces and production relationships, and therefore there were no classes or exploitation.
■ Update the development of work tools to move to a more complicated stage in the life of primitive Masha'a. The first step was the emergence of tribes concerned with raising livestock, which led to the separation from the cultivation of the earth. This was called "the social division of work." It is the first social division that humanity has known, when there are two distinct branches of material production: livestock raising and land agriculture. From this development, the phenomenon of excess product has emerged. Another phenomenon that took a gradual formation emerged at the level of the elders of the tribes, tribes and clerics, as a distinct social segment, that is, it began with emergency and stability, the phenomenon of the so -called "social distinctions".
■ Discovering mineral tillage tools and other work tools, and deepening the social division of work through a new separation between the Earth's plowing, and the appearance of the letter, is the second social division.This led to the annulment of the radioactive productive relations, especially after the role of prisoners of wars appeared as a work force.The appearance of the first and second social division in particular, tribal leaders have become preserving the prisoners as slaves, that is, as a work force used in production in light of the increasing private ownership relations.Thus, primitive radioactive collapsed and replaced by a new social -economic assortment, and a new production method, which is the method of slave production ■
(a)
Slave production style
■ With the development of the social division of work, the exchange appeared in productive relations and changed the nature of the tribal and tribal organization. Tribal leaders, military leaders, and clerics who have become authority in a new society formed the first phase in the emergence of states. The state of the slaves of slaves appeared for the first time in the history of mankind. In this society, the productive forces developed, and that era witnessed an evolution in extracting and melting minerals, and producing more complicated work tools. Craft production developed, and pottery utensils and metal machines were made. Spinning and weaving developed, built palaces, temples, theaters, and pyramids, roads were set and dams and irrigation channels were built. Agriculture was the main branch of production, and the food industry emerged.
■ This stage was characterized by the intensification of rival contradictions between those who have production, and those who have only the strength of his work; Between the masters and slaves .. The productive relations in the slave community were characterized by a distinct production style, in which the strength of work with the means of production was forcibly united; The slave is not only deprived of the means of production, but he himself was the property of the dominant master, and he was sold and bought. The servant was not interested in work and increased productivity in the conditions of forced force .. The slave community was characterized by the predominance of the in -kind nature of production, as the products were produced for the purpose of consumption. As for the merchandise exchange in the era of the slave community, it was the result of the work of young producers, from farmers and craftsmen.
■ The development of monetary and trade relations led to the emergence of the first historical forms of capitalism.The emergence of the merchants class was the third large social division of the work, as merchants began to play the role of brokers and brokers in the exchange of goods.They used their graphics to alienate the masters layer in exchange for a percentage of use on a section of excessive production that slaves produce.
These factors led to the destruction of the slave economy in -kind, and led to contradictions that accelerated the collapse of this production method.In addition, the forced nature of slaves did the absence of any material and moral incentives resulted in them, ultimately resulted in stagnation in the slave production, and led to the emergence of contradictions between the city and the countryside.The population, where the source of the recruitment of armies was from the countryside.In the cities, the ruin was replaced by young craftsmen when large investment products began to compete with small.
The four factors referred to (the emergence of the merchants class + the low productivity of slave masses + the decline in small craftsmanship and the disorder + the deterioration of the conditions of agriculture and farmers in the countryside) an important role in the intensification of the internal contradictions of the slavery society between the productive forces and production relations, and led to its dissolution and its collapse in front of a styleNew production is a feudal production method.
■ The degradation of the slave production and the deepening of its contradictions led to the intensification of the class struggle in society.The revolutions of slaves merged into one course with the struggle of the bankrupt farmers and craftsmen.Thus, the slave system fell and its place was replaced by a new method of production, which is feudal production.It should be noted in this context that the production style of Aboudelm is prevalent in all countries, such as Northern and Eastern Europe, for example, as these countries have moved from the radio -feudal production pattern without going through the stage of slavery.
In Europe, the pattern of slave production prevailed in both ancient Rome, ancient Athens and the countries of the East, such as India, Yemen, Egypt, Babylon, and others, and the two Americans, and the evidence for this is Indian and Greek temples and Roman theaters, the wall of China, the pyramids of Egypt, the pyramids of Mexico, and others .. ■
(P)
Little production method
■ The development of the producing forces has known a new momentum in light of the feudal production method, which was supported by technical discoveries.River and air waters were tamed as energy exporters, so the water mills, air, and huge sailing ships were created, paper and gunpowder were discovered in Europe, print letters and mining techniques developed, as machines, especially textile machines, have evolved, and craft work became more specialized and productivity increased.In agriculture, fertilizers were inserted, grain, planting, and intensive use of traction animals in agriculture.
■ تميّز Little production method بوجود طبقة تمتلك حيازات زراعية. وكان الاقطاعي يعطي مقابل بدل عيني، حصة صغيرة من الأرض للفلاح الذي كانت تربطه بالاقطاعي علاقة تبعية شخصية. إن السمات الاساسية لعلاقات الانتاج الاقطاعية هي إقتصاد السُخرة.
What distinguishes the shape of the feudal property from the slave form is that, under feudalism, the peasants had houses for housing, work tools, traction animals, livestock, seeds, feed ... and other production means.The essence of feudal exploitation was that it seized as the owner of the land, on the excess result that the farmer creates.The feudal exploitation of the farmer was characterized by three forms:
- The rent in forced labor, meaning that the farmer works as a number of days of the week in the land of the feud, and the rest of the week in his land.
Imposing royalties on the farmer, that is, giving part of the production of the farmer to the feudal, without using the special production of the feudal from his land.
- Critical proceeds solutions in the in -kind rent with the development of merchandise production and exchange, and the farmer has been submitted to the feudal instead, that is, it produces, sells, and transforms the production to a cash that pushes it to the feudal.
■ In light of the early period of feudalism, the cities that were struck by degradation were emitted in the late slave era again, as the letter and trade began to spread, and the main role in the development of the forces produced from the countryside to the cities moved.The wealthy category of merchants, craftsmen and sabotings emerged.With the entry of new technologies and industrial equipment in agriculture and industry, and the development of navigation that helped in developing exchanges and forming markets, contradictions began to intensify in feudal society, as a new category known as the bourgeoisie of merchants and craftsmen has been formed, and the contradiction between farmers and feudalism intensified.
At the beginning of the feudal production method, production relations played a catalyst in the development of productive forces.The feudalism had the production tools that were mainly represented by the land, and they have the workers in it, that is, the attributes associated with them, and they are prohibited from leaving them.The producer has also had the right to possess a small special possession from the land in which he works during the excess time from his work at the feudalism, and for this he could have a preposition and work tools, as well as the craftsman who was entitled to have simple work tools and dispose of his own account in the surplus of his time, i.e.The producer was the owner of an interest in his work, and thus in developing production.
However, with the great technical development, the tremendous expansion of trade and the diversity of commodities, the independence process of farmers has intensified the rise in in -kind taxes, as well as imposing cash taxes to meet the need of feudalists for imported goods, or manufactured in cities, and the contradiction between farmers and feudalists has increased;With the birth, expansion and generalization of the manifetter, two new layers were born: bourgeois and proletariat.
■ With the discovery of the American continent at the end of the 15th century, and the India Naval Road at the beginning of the 16th century, the trade defined a tremendous development and form the international market.With the development of crafts and trade, cities have evolved and some of them turned into global trade centers.And an increasing number of merchants used to employ its capital in expanding craft workshops, and converting them into advanced productive manifestations, which meet the increasing needs of feudal princes, but they especially meet the requirements of the global market.
■ The bourgeoisie entered a major pole in the conflict with feudalism, as the bourgeoisie for the manifesty was increasing to the free workers, that is, who are not bound by the legal and actual relationship with the feudal, as well as its need for a wide market that exceeded the limits of feudal possessions, and the restrictions imposed in its framework on the transfer of goods.It has become necessary to replace feudal production relations with new relations that are compatible with the new qualitative development of productive forces.
Thus, mankind witnessed the collapse of the feudal system in violent conflicts led by the emerging bourgeois class, and the main clash force was: farmers, workers and craftsmen ■
(4)
Capital production method
■ في Capital production method يبرز الإنتاج الكبير كواحدة من السمات الرئيسية، حيث حَلَّت المصانع محل الورش الحرفية والمانيفكتورات وازداد تمركز العمل، وارتبطت حلقات الإنتاج ببعضها أكثر من ذي قبل، وبرزت أكثر من أي وقت مضى الصفة الإجتماعية للإنتاج.. وقد ساعدت الإكتشافات الجديدة على توسيع عملية التبادل داخل حدود الدولة البورجوازية الجديدة وخارجها، وانتشرت الملاحة البخارية، واكتشف التلغراف، الخ..
■ في ظل Capital production method أصبح العامل حراً من الناحية القانونية، أي غير مرتبط قانونياً ببورجوازي محدد يعمل عنده على غرار ما كان عليه القن مع الإقطاعي. ولكن العامل – بالمقابل – بات مرتبطاً بالبورجوازية كطبقة، وهو أصبح كإنسان، لا يملك إلا قوة عمله المضطر لبيعها للبورجوازي؛ كما وتعمقت أكثر الملكية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج على شكل ملكية بورجوازية (رأسمالية).
The new production relations have given great momentum to the development of productive forces and production in general, due to the scientific development and the development of work organization and the work of competition between the bourgeoisis, but in particular due to the collective work of workers and the existing exploitation pace.
■ نشأ في صلب Capital production method، وتبلور تناقض بين Productive forces and production relationships. فقد أصبح التناقض بين الصفة الإجتماعية للإنتاج، وبين الملكية الخاصة لوسائل الانتاج، تناقض تناحري بين ملايين المنتجين وأقلية من الرأسماليين الإستغلاليين. وتفاقم هذا التناقض بصورة أكثر بعدما تحوّلت الرأسمالية، إلى إمبريالية، أي عندما حلَّت الرأسمالية الإحتكارية محل رأسمالية التنافس الحر، وحصلت تطورات في بنية الرأسمالية وكانت في جوهرها دفع عملية تمركز وتركز الرأسمال إلى حدودها القصوى. وكان من نتيجة ذلك أن أصبح التناقض بين القوى المنتجة، وبين علاقات الإنتاج أكثر سطوعاً وأكثر تفجراً. إن أسلوب الإنتاج الإشتراكي هو الذي يضع حلاً لمسألة التناقض بين Productive forces and production relationships من خلال إعتماد ملكية المجتمع العامة لوسائل الإنتاج بديلاً للملكية الخاصة لها■
(Kh)
Recovery and clarification
■ Methods of production referred to and economic -social formations based on them were not the only one that the development of human societies has known, meaning that the development of these societies was not conducted in one pattern as historical inevitability;For example: Eastern and Northern European societies moved directly to feudalism and the stage of slavery was not completed .. Also, the societies of rivers civilizations (river civilizations) in Egypt, China, India and some African countries, and other countries in Central America have known other methods of production are usually beautiful by namingOr the concept of "Asian production method".
■ These methods (patterns) undoubtedly differed from the feudal production method, in which the feudalism possessed the tools of production (the land mainly) that the channel was associated with, which was the method that prevailed in Europe during the Middle Ages with its three stages (early, intermediate, and late) onAn extension of nearly a thousand years (between 500 and 1500 in general).
As for the style of Asian production, the private ownership of the Earth was absent from it, which finds its interpretation in the following: The peculiarity of agricultural production in the countries of the East was conditional on the conditions of its nature and climate, and the special role of irrigation facilities, which is the first condition for production in countries with a dry climate, where it wasProduction (i.e. agricultural) is carried out by large groups of people, which helps to stack the rows of rumors, and at the same time facilitates the work of the central (authoritarian) central authority, which was unified by the priesty of carrying out public works across the country as a whole.
■ Thus, what was valid for the West (Europe) in the development of production methods, and in accordance with the development of economic -social formations, it is not necessarily valid for the East, including our Arab countries and Muslim countries in general, where the method (pattern) prevailed, which is a similar production patternFor Asian production pattern;This is because the private property of the land was not present in the forefront of Islam, as Omar bin Al -Khattab and Ali bin Abi Talib opposed it to severe opposition.
Arab and Muslim countries, like Europe, did not know the pattern of feudal production, that is, the private property of the land and what it has.Even after the superstar of the Abbasid state was folded in the era of the sultans, and later in the Ottoman era, the land was the property of the state, and real estate feuds did not express a special and fixed property of the land, but rather from another nature, and temporarily, and changed with decisions and decrees from the central authority in the Islamic state.
■ The similarities between the style of Asian production, which India and China, for example, and the pattern of external production that the Arab and Muslim countries knew was in the absence of the private property of the Earth; On the other hand, there are great differences in this field as well, especially since the most prominent aspect of the Arab -Islamic civilization, and in the field of meeting in particular, may be governed by the main degree of the city's alliance with the Bedouins of the Bedouin, as the founding Arab meeting scientist Ibn Khaldun confirms in his famous “introduction”: The city's alliance - the Rahil, with the farmers ’alliance from the civilized state, the main advantage in Moroccan civilization, as is the case in the eastern civilization, that is, the Levant. This is clear evidence that the main production pattern that prevailed in these countries was not similar to feudal production.
■ The aforementioned production methods and their temporal succession (radioactive, slavery, feudalism, capitalism) and economic -social formations based on them are those that a number of European countries in general have known, serve the clarification of the following main ideas: What determines the development of society is the method of production, and the development of societyIt is - among other major factors and considerations - through social class conflict ■
1994
Issues and concepts from the perspective of scientific socialism
(10 topics)
(1)
The concept of "ideology" in Marxism
[■ Distinguish the Marxist theory between the "ideology" and "scientific theoretical thought".Below is an explanation of what this distinction is based on:]
1- ■ Each theory is, in the end, a reflection of reality in the field of awareness.And all my theoretical thinking is an attempt to consciously of reality by "stripping it" (i.e. moving it from concrete to the abstract, and the use of the means of thought for the consciousness of the concrete).But not every theory is an ideology, for ideology, in the Marxist sense, is a distorted reflection of reality that it does not present in its true form, but rather a way that is distorted by the vision and interests of a specific social class (or segment).
Ideology is a "false awareness" of reality, because it emerges from the historically defined social conditions for the existence of a class, and it is assumed that these conditions are stable, and because it starts from the interests of a class, and its own vision of the world, and stripping it, raises it to the level of the abstract principle, then separated from its material basisThat is, it is destroyed by being an expression of the interest of a specific class, and its presentation as an expression of the interest of the entire class society, or all humanity, is that it is the vision of a class (it is part of social reality), and its presentation as the true image of the whole social reality.
2- ■ As long as society is divided into classes, the stripping of the vision and interests of a specific class, and its presentation as the true image of reality, as the interest of the whole society, cannot be scientific, that is, it cannot surround the reality in all its aspects and contradictions, but rather it must involveDistorting him, he must produce a false awareness.Therefore,: “ideologies can be reactionary or conservative, and can be revolutionary or progressive, but they cannot be scientific.”
However, we have to note, that this remains correct as long as society is divided into classes, that is, as long as the social system is based on the exploitation of a layer of another layer.This is because humans (groups, and not necessarily individuals) their awareness from their social location and interests.
■ The classes whose interests are related to the exploitation system (i.e. the division of society into classes) cannot crystallize a scientific awareness of social reality. Even when she is progressive, her awareness necessarily remains "ideology". The ideological awareness is reactionary, when it expresses the vision of a layer or slice whose interests are linked to returning to a previous (extinct) style of exploitation patterns; It is conservative, when he expresses the vision of a class or social segment whose interests are linked to preserving a specific pattern of exploitation; On the contrary, it is revolutionary and progressive, when it expresses the vision of a layer or slice whose interests are related to the birth of a new pattern of the class of exploitation.
■ The truth is that every major social change in the course of human history has always been associated with a major jump forward at the level of human knowledge, in the areas of philosophy and natural and social sciences, that is, it was associated with a fundamental progress in the level of human awareness to the world in which they live.But this awareness remains, at least, at least an ideological awareness, as long as it remains reflects the vision and interests of classes, whose existence, and interests are related to the survival of the class society based on the exploitation of a layer of a layer.
3- ■ The transgression of the stage of “ideological awareness” in the development of human thought becomes possible, its conditions are available, when the growth of the forces of production and the rise of the class society leads to the birth of a class that can liberate itself from exploitation, that is, it can turn into a prevailing class, but it does notYou can do that, except by canceling the entire exploitation system: a layer whose interests are radically related to the demise of class society, with the end of the community’s division into classes.This layer was already born when capitalism raised the development of the forces of production to a level with which it became possible to cancel the exploitation system on the one hand, and it became necessary for the progress of humanity, on the other hand.
Thus, this layer, whose interests are closely related to the necessity of the necessity of making this major shift in the history of mankind, appeared to the necessity of canceling the system of exploitation, canceling the class society, ending the division of society into layers, the layer that has the ingredients of the transformation into a prevailing class, but through this same act providesConditions to cancel itself as a class, and to cancel the entire class community.
Thus, the historical conditions for the end of the "era of ideologies" have been met since they emerged to the existence of the working class.The end of the era of ideologies has begun since the working class crystallized its own class vision, its scientific vision to the world, that is, since the emergence of scientific socialism (Marxism) announced the opening of a new era of the development of human thought.
This vision is governed to be scientific, not ideological, because, in order to accurately express the interests of the proletariat, it is consequence to clearly see the reality of society dividing into classes, on the one hand, and to realize the possibility and the necessity of exceeding this division at the same time, on the other hand.It is governed to be a "class" because it, too, to accurately express the interests of the proletariat, is governed to realize the distinguished, independent, independent site of the working class within the framework of this social division into layers, as only through this perception can liberate itself, and turnTo a prevailing layer.
4- So, this vision is scientific because it is class, on the one hand, and because it expresses the vision of a new class, a layer whose interests are linked to the end of class society and the abolition of exploitation, on the other hand.It thus loses its science, and slips again to the rank of "ideology", when it loses or abandoned its class.
It seems that, in this thesis, a bit of contradiction. Yes, but it is only contradictory to the level of formal logic, which resolves himself when he moves to the level of material controversy. It reflects a contradiction in the realistic path of the movement of history, and it also finds its solution - and also - through the realistic path of the movement of history. History is the one that produced a layer against the classes: a layer whose private classes cannot achieve, except by walking towards the abolition of class society, including canceling itself as a class. It cannot go towards the abolition of the class community, which cannot be liberated and turns into a prevailing class, except by confirming itself as a class, that is, unless it realizes, consciously, its independence from the other classes of society, otherwise if it realizes the awareness of its position in the class society. History, then, is the one who produced a contradictory layer of class society, and is able to cancel its opposite only, if it realizes itself - with consciousness and practice - as a class.
5- ■ The working class can only be liberated by liberating the whole society from exploitation.But this "liberation of the whole society", which is a historical necessity, does not express the interests of the whole society, but rather is consistent with the interest of a class and contradicts the interest of another class.And unless the revolutionary class realizes this fact, its liberation cannot be achieved.
Thus, the working layer, in order to turn into a prevailing layer on the path of canceling the class community, does not need "ideology". It is, unlike its predecessors of the revolutionary classes in history, does not need a vision that raises its own interests to the rank of "abstract principle", then it was done on its class essence and re -presented it as the interests of the whole society. On the contrary, it needs to reject all forms of ideologies, needs to crystallize a scientific vision that sharpens its awareness of its independence as a class, and the contradiction (or differentiation) in the interests between them and other classes, and this vision is scientific, because it speaks to its class in a class reality: because it reveals the reality of class society for its truth Unlike the "ideology" produced by the classes associated with the continuous exploitation system, which cannot express their interests except by camouflaging the class reality, that is, by producing a distorted awareness and a fake awareness of reality.
6- ■ This is how we can understand why the authentic Marxism insists on denying that it is a "ideology", as it is "scientific", and at the same time insists on being a "class", it is the authentic Marxism that declared the "end of the era of ideologies", which called for, I was firmly practiced, criticized and rejected all ideologies. That is not because it is evacuated from being a "monopoly on a specific layer", as the theorists of the contemporary "socialism of the middle groups" want, but exactly because it declares that it is "the theory of a specific class", as it expresses the vision of the proletariat to the world, and it is a vision governed by scientific, i.e. To see and reveal the reality of the class society as it is, in all its aspects and contradictions, because its liberation is mortgaged.
7- ■ The era of ideology is related to the division of society into classes, and as long as the class division remains, the complete liberation of ideology, that is, the full sovereignty of science in human awareness of its social reality, cannot be completed.
This means, first, that the ideological struggle, the conflict between the bourgeois ideologies, and the vision of the scientific proletariat to the world, continues until the end of the class society.
It means, secondly, that the vision of scientific proletariat is only completed by walking towards the cancellation of the class community, including canceling itself as a class.
■ The scientific theory of the working class is not a complete ready -to -given.It crystallizes and completes through the revolutionary practice aimed at canceling exploitation and ending the class society.Thus, the scientific awareness of the reality of social reality cannot be separated from the practice, from the struggle for change, in order to cancel the exploitation.The scientific feature of Marxism lies in its careful awareness of this fact.
8. The truth is that they are leaving Marxism and scientific sites at the same time. They are the victim of ideological myth who said the neutrality of science (sociology, history, etc.), as he acquires his scientific characteristic by standing outside the class struggle and above classes, by stripping it of the interests of the classes. We have seen where the ideological illusion lies in this saying. It is true that the flag is completed with its hemisphere over the layers, but this is not done on the ground except with the disappearance of the layers. Consequently, the sovereignty of science in human awareness of its social reality is not complete except with the demise of class society. As long as the class division remains, the formula of a scientific vision of social reality can only be fulfilled, except from the location of the class whose interests are related to the demise of the class society, and can only be completed through the revolutionary practice of this class in its struggle in order to cancel the class community based on exploitation.
■ In this historical scope, we say: There is no scientific in isolation from class, in isolation from determining a location in the social conflict between the classes, and is not scientific in isolation from practice, in isolation from engaging in the struggle of the revolutionary class for the sake of an unsubber society. In this historical scope, the claim of the possibility of developing a scientific theory that rises above the layers, is in itself and they are an ideology that reflects the social location of a certain social segment (calls it its aorge "middle groups"), and they are an ideological that expresses its vision, interests and middle location towards the two basic classes (bourgeoisie, and class Working) in society. This claim, which claims liberation from ideology, is by itself ideology, an element of the ideological vision of the middle groups, in its distinction from the scientific vision of the working class ■
(a)
An opportunist as a social phenomenon,
Its roots are found in the sectors of the middle categories, and its effects
1- ■ The opportunism, which expresses itself ideologically with "refinement" and reformist tendency, is a social phenomenon that finds its roots in the fact that "the working class, in every capitalist society, remains always surrounded by wide sectors of the small bourgeoisie, from the young angel, as capitalism originated, It is constantly generating, from the folds of small production. A number of the new "middle groups" definitely appear to exist, again and again, in light of capitalism ... and with the same degree of inevitability, these new groups of young producers, again to the ranks of the proletariat. It is quite normal for the small bourgeois mentality (its vision of the world) to find its way to deal and appear, again and again, in the ranks of the labor movement. ” [Lenin: “Marxism and Revolutionaryism”, full works in English/ Dar Al -Tadad/ Moscow/ Volume 15, p. 39.]
2- ■ The middle groups that lead the capitalist expansion (or the intensification of the capitalist crisis) to the destruction and crushing of its interests and lead to ruin, engage in the movement of the working class and adopt the scientific vision of the proletariat, not because this vision expresses its actual social reality and the interests emanating from it, but because it is because it isShe expresses her "her image", about her "future interests", so to speak:
“The lower middle class, the employers of the workshops and the workshops, the owners of the shops, the craftsmen, and the millions of the young earth, are fighting against the bourgeoisie with the aim of saving their existence, as segments of the middle class, from destruction and disappearance.Their position is in essence conservative, because it tries to stop the wheel of history, or manage it back.And when they become revolutionary, this is only because of their imminent transformation into the rows of the proletariat.With this, they defend not about their current interests, but rather about their future interests.They leave their class vision. ”The private and they move to adopt the vision of the proletariat. ”[Marx: The Communist Statement.]
3- ■ The circumstances of the temporary capitalist recovery that provide an area to emit the middle-class segments, or the conditions of the decline in the labor movement and its crisis, return some elements of these groups to their medieval social position, and revive the ideological delusions that are generated by it.This lies the reason for its swing.
So, the opportunistic phenomenon, and its refining and reformist expressions, especially in the conditions of capitalist recovery, or in the conditions of the decline in the labor movement or its crisis, are revived, because the elements of the middle groups (especially its intellectuals) that were involved in the movement during its ascension, begin - in the circumstances of the movement's crisis or its retreat - By separating from the movement’s general course, or by trying to subjugate it, all or sections of it, to dominate the ideology of the middle groups, which are in essence appear on the surface realistic and feasible, if the capitalist system is going through a recovery stage. At that time, the opportunism acquires its influence, not only from its impact on the elements of the middle groups involved in the movement, but also on higher labor segments with privileges, as well as from its success in the ideological misinformation of sectors of workers and workers (and it succeeds in that if the revolutionary direction in the movement does not crystallize An effective strategy to confront it).
4- However, these reformist attempts are soon clear, and its utopian nature is exposed to ideological illusion, when the capitalist system returns to enter into the process of intensifying its crisis. However, it goes without clarification, that the decline in reform illusions, in the conditions of the intensification of the capitalist crisis, does not automatically result in the revival of the revolutionary direction in the movement, but may lead to the fragmentation and disintegration of the movement and the disappointment of the wides of the masses in it. It depends, to a large extent, on the success of the revolutionary direction of the movement in developing an effective strategy of work, including an effective strategy to manage ideological conflict, especially in the event of a decline in the movement and its crisis.
■ The first requirements of this strategy is to realize the crisis: recognition of its existence, awareness of its elements, causes, and developing concrete solutions - renewal solutions - the new issues and objective needs that emerge, which represent objective requirements for the development and growth of the movement.But one of the most prominent of these requirements is also the necessity of drawing the separation line clearly between the real renewal, which is consistent with the requirements of movement growth, and between the reformist ideological delusions that take the appearance of renewal, and raise its flags ■
(P)
Awareness, its role, and its relationship to social reality
[■ The basic truth from which the physical physical concept of history starts is that it is the social existence of human beings that determines their social awareness.Consciousness is a reflection of social reality, but it is not a still reflection and separate from its subject, but rather a dialectical reflection, that is, it is indicated to evolution through its contradictions, linked to its subject, and an actor and influential in its subject by directing the activity of the active person in social reality:]
1- It is human beings who make their history themselves and their conscious activity, but they do not make it according to their desires and passions, but rather according to objective laws that define their will and direct their activity.The objective laws of historical development, unlike the laws of nature, do not exercise their effect in isolation from human consciousness, but rather by defining human consciousness and their practice.
The effect of the laws of society and history does not take a compulsory (blind) adjective as the laws of nature, except to the extent that human beings are aware of their awareness.These laws present themselves in an objective necessity for the development of society and history.These themselves do not impose their themselves on blindly awareness, and do not seem to be as if they were doing natural laws, except when consciousness is unable to perceive these laws;As awareness is a dialectical reflection of social reality, it does not always reflect it in a clear way, in a scientific way, but sometimes distorted and false, in a "ideological" way.This distortion is due to two reasons: basic and secondary.
2- ■ The main reason is the division of society, in a specific era of development into layers; Humans, in the context of their production of goods that satisfy their material and spiritual needs, enter into specific social relationships between each other, and between them and between the means they use in the production process. These relationships do not depend on their will, but rather on the level of development that they have been able to produce, the level of development of their productive forces. Since the production forces have evolved to the level that allowed a person to produce a surplus that exceeds his necessary need for survival, society began to divide into groups of people whose positions differ in the relationship with the means used in production, and in the mutual relationship between each other in the context of the production process, and therefore varies in Her lifestyle and share of social surplus.
Here, society began to divide into conflicting social powers, into layers - or slices of layers - struggle, and take advantage of each other, in order to control the surplus of social production. The conflicting social powers are formed from their position from its location within the framework of production relations, and thus their interests. It is, then, does not see the social reality necessarily as it is in fact, but rather it sees it through the refinery of its interests, lifestyle and location in the production process, its location within the framework of the prevailing social production relations. The classes and social forces whose existence and interests are related to a certain pattern of exploitation necessarily produces a distorted and fabricated awareness of social reality, and the class whose interests are related to the abolition of the entire exploitation system, which can produce a scientific awareness of social reality.
3- ■ As for the secondary reason for the distortion of human awareness of its social reality, it is that consciousness, with its dialectical relationship with reality, is acquired - after its emergence, a reflection of a specific reality - a relative independence from the movement of reality from which he emerged. Changing reality does not automatically change awareness. Consciousness, like every social phenomenon, develops and raises through its contradictions, and according to its special dialectical laws. The movement of awareness of consciousness is not completely independent of the movement of social reality changing, but rather a part of it and its reflection. But it is not a still and separate reflection on its subject, but rather a dialectical reflection related to its subject, influenced and effective in it at the same time. In this sense, it acquires a relative independence from its subject. The phenomena of consciousness (i.e. what belongs to the superstructure of society: the standards of morals and social behavior, religious and philosophical beliefs, political, legal, civilized organization, etc. ...) remains even after the demise or change of the social basis that emerged from it; It acquires new contents, and then begins to be dissolved and gradually decaying, but in the context of this process, it leaves its impact on formulating the shapes and templates through which new social phenomena are evident.
4- ■ The objective necessity imposes itself on the awareness of people, which constitute their awareness of their social reality blindly, in a manner that appears to be as if it is the act of natural laws, only when people are unable to realize them. “The necessity is blind only as much as we are unable to understand” (Engels). People are unable to be aware of necessity by virtue of their class reality. But the necessity loses its characteristic as a blind necessity as much as the people's awareness of their social reality develops. Awareness does not have the restructuring of objective necessity, but it has the ability to realize it, and has the influence on the course of history by realizing it. So, people possess their freedom and control their social destiny, when their awareness rises to the level of awareness of the objective laws of development, directing their action, and practicing them accordingly. "Freedom is the realization of necessity" (Engels).
■ This control, this freedom, which we have called the full sovereignty of science in human awareness of its social reality, does not become possible except by the disappearance of the classified -based class, and it begins to crystallize with the availability of historical conditions for the abolition of the exploitation system and the emergence of the class whose interests are related to the abolition of the class community based on exploitation. With this, the process of moving from ideology to the full sovereignty of science begins in human awareness of its social reality. Seeing this class of the world is a scientific vision that is free from ideology in its awareness of social reality, but its scientific is not complete, except by walking towards the abolition of the class society, except through the revolutionary practice aimed at change. This layer is the working layer.
5- ■ In the light of this concept, scientific socialism has analyzed the development of capitalist society, and the laws that govern its path were extracted, and that the tremendous development of the forces of production that takes place within the framework of capitalist production relations, quickly falls into a contradiction and a clash with these same relations. Thus, the world enters an era of historical transformation. This era is distinguished from its predecessors in the history of mankind, which is characterized by the fact that the pattern of capitalist production dictates an increasing social nature of production forces, a character that contradicts the private property of the means of production. On the one hand, the production forces have become at a level of development that allowed, objectively, to cancel private property relations. On the other hand, this change has become an objective necessity for the development of the forces of production and the development of human society. Thus, for the first time in history, the objective conditions for the abolition of the exploitation system, and the end of the society’s division into classes. This transformation has become objective, and it has also become an objective necessity for the development of society.
6- ■ The main contradiction in the pattern of capitalist production (the contradiction between the increasing social nature of the productive forces, and the private ownership relations of the means of production) translates itself a contradiction between the paid work and capital, and it is clear - at the level of the relationship between the classes - a social struggle between the two basic classes in society Capitalist: bourgeois and working class. And by the transformation of capitalism - in its advanced imperialist phase - into a world -class production pattern, this contradiction and conflict also takes a global dimension as well. This contradiction is the axis in which social conflict intensifies, and that other contradictions and other conflicts revolve around. Because of this, it does not always take a clear class form, but rather, it appears, sometimes in the form of sectarian, sectarian, and national conflicts ..., along with its explicit social forms, which are increasingly and emergency as the more advanced capitalist society.
7- ■ The development of this conflict makes the socialist revolution (or more precisely, as long as we are talking about the entire world: it makes the revolution in which the working class plays a decisive leadership role) is a historical necessity, a necessity requires objectively the development of society and its transition to a higher phase.Through this revolution, the working class turns into a class with a decisive role in society, by taking over its movement as a leadership position in the authority of the state, and that begins with the historical transition process to socialism.
The success of the revolution, with the aforementioned leadership role of the working class, does not automatically mean the establishment of a socialist society. It only means starting the historical process of the birth of socialist society. The working class, through its leadership position in the political authority, takes successive measures (necessarily graded, and in line with the degree and path of the development of the forces produced in society, and the concerned country) to change the capitalist production relations: to remove the private capitalism of the means of production, as much as this ownership constitutes a restriction It limits the development of production forces, and to strengthen the public ownership of the means of production, also as much as this constitutes an appropriate framework to accelerate the growth of the production forces, and measures to regulate the productive forces in a way that allows the launch of their accelerating development, up to a level of abundance of production gradually eliminates the necessity of social conflict over the surplus, and allows By the establishment of a socialist society in which the forms of human exploitation of a person are negative, and the community gradually disappears into classes.
8- ■ The conflict between hired work and capital makes this transformation a historical necessity, an objective necessity required by the development of history, the development and elevation of human society.However, it does not make it inevitable in the compulsory sense.This contradiction, if he does not find a solution to it, may lead to great leaps back in the course of history.The objective necessity, of the revolution and the socialist transformation translates itself in the realistic path of the movement of history, becomes inevitable only, through its association with the consciousness of the working class.
■ This means the awareness of the working class for itself as a class, its awareness of its role in the path of the history movement, and its awareness of ways (strategies, and tactics: the unit of forms of struggle, mobilization and organization) that guarantees the guidance of this path, in a way that is consistent with the objective necessity and responds to it. In this context, scientific socialism (Marxism) sees its role, location and function, as a scientific theory, and a guide to work for change. It is a reflection of the reality of the working class and its location in history on the one hand, and the need for the working class to be aware of itself, its location and its role, on the other hand. It is a reflection in the field of awareness of the process of transforming the working class from a "itself" to "a layer of itself." It is - as all historical processes - runs, develops, elevates, and is completed through conflict and contradiction.
9- ■ Here, the site of scientific socialism (Marxism) is determined by being a theory that reflects the vision of the working class for itself and the world, a theory that expresses the awareness of the proletariat for itself, the world surrounding it, the path of its change, and its location in this world in the path of its change. It is a "awareness" that would not have arisen had it not been for the emergence of the working class itself as a material social phenomenon, and therefore it is not possible to separate it from this phenomenon; Marxism here is the expression "in the field of consciousness" on material facts: about the position of the class in the production process and its relationships, its location in society, the pattern and conditions of its social life, and its interests from which its will emerge for the struggle for change, and not from any ideology, or a prior idea .
■ We have previously explained how this awareness is governed by being scientific and class at the same time. Here, also the function of scientific socialism, which has no schizophrenia, is determined by its location: as a working guide for the working class in its struggle for change. It reveals to the class that it enables it to be aware of the objective necessity of change, the trouble of its forces and the forces of its allies in the conflict for change, confronting and refuting the strange ideological effects practiced by other classes within the ranks of the working class, which disrupts and pulled their struggle capabilities, and finally guiding them to the most serious, and more effective strategies and strategies In the struggle for change, consistent with its awareness of the objective laws of change.
10- ■ In light of this concept of the role of awareness and its relationship to material social reality, it is clear how contradictory is science and dialectic, that approach that tries to explain the realistic approach to the path of the process of transition to socialism, by searching for its causes and motives mainly in phenomena belonging to the world of awareness: in theory,Or in errors and deviations about them, for two reasons:
First- this ideal approach ignores that this part of the theory (authentic Marxism) that addresses the laws of the transition to socialism is the most poorest, general and abstract parts.It is inevitable that it is because of its historical borders, the historical limits of any scientific thought.The historical experience now provides the possibility to correct this part of the Marxist theory, to audit and enrich it, to make it more tangible and more complete than the scientific angle.
Second- This ideal approach leads to irrational and logical consequences.The emergence of bureaucracy, which is a material social phenomenon, is, for example, its interpretation is conducted, at the same time, as a result of a deviation from Marx theory about the state in the stage of transition (gradual decay), and that it is the result of the application of this theory (the authority of the proletariat) at the same time.
And in the way;The one -party system, if it is seen in isolation from its social content as an expression of the bureaucracy monopoly of power (on behalf of the working class, then an alternative to it), can be explained as a result of a deviation, or a wrong application of Lenin's theory about the avant -garde party, as well as as a logical result of this theory.Himself at the same time.
Any scientific value for such a curriculum?It is a dilemma that has no way out except by returning to the method of physical controversy, that is, by realizing the fact that the phenomena belonging to the world of consciousness cannot be explained, except by an analysis of its social basis and the historical conditions for its creation, not the other way around, and here, the "errors and deviations" attributed to the experience are itselfPolitical and ideological options, reflect specific vision, location and interests of social powers in a specific historical circumstance, and can only be understood in this way ■
(4)
The relative and historical feature of Marxism
[■ If the sociology sciences are able to realize the facts of the past and the present, then it is quite natural that they are only able to explore the general direction, the main landmarks, for the march of history towards the future.And if she does not realize these historical borders, it is bounced from the circle of science to the circle of astrology.Therefore, Marxism insists on the relative and historical feature of knowledge, and that it does not provide ready and complete recipes, but rather is completed through the revolutionary practice of the working class, by walking towards the abolition of the class community:]
1- ■ This was one of the main topics of scientific socialism in its debate with utopian socialism, which was concerned with formulating the imaginary plans of the future community, and justifying these plans by deriving them from the operative of "abstract values" and the eternal "ideals" of humanity, instead of being involved in analyzingScientific for the past and the present, and from it the discovery of objective laws and practical ways to push the course of history towards the future.
Perhaps the fever of this debate contributed to the production of exaggerated simplicity, in which Marx and Engels sometimes address the process of moving to socialism after success in overthrowing the authority of capitalism:
The main issue, for them, was the establishment of the scientific foundations for building the movement of the working class, lighting its path towards overthrowing capitalism, and identifying the direct tasks that present themselves as soon as this process is accomplished, and not drawing plans to organize the socialist society, which they truly considered, dumping in utopian imagination.Therefore, their theory about the transition stage was limited to determining, not without abstraction by virtue of its historical borders, to the general laws that govern the transitional period at the economic and political levels.
2- Above this, this theory was built on the transition stage, on the assumption of the victory of the labor revolution in a number of the most advanced and developed capitalist countries, and in a close time, which allows the transition process to start from an advanced level of economic and civilizational development, and in international conditionsFate, knowing that this assumption was not justified by the objective angle, that is, it did not receive the realistic path of the movement of history.However, he was justified and legitimate from the angle of the job that Marxism determines for itself in mobilizing the forces of the revolutionary class and organizing it to fight the conflict.
3- ■ This general and abstraction that is characterized by Marx and Engels theory about the process of transition to socialism, which some of Marxism critics see a loophole in its intellectual structure, and a deficiency that detracts from its scientific feature, and an indication of its non-cohesion.However, if we put aside the hypothesis of the work from which this theory was launched, then a more examined examination in the matter reveals to us that this defect - this incomplete space in intellectual construction - is in fact a witness to its scientific feature, not the other way around.It is a logical result of the Marxist concept on the historical limits of sociology.
On the basis of this concept, Marxism never claims to be an integrated doctrine, but rather that it is integrated only through practice, and it systematically refuses to turn it into a ready and final recipe for organizing the future society, but rather sees its main function in analyzing reality, discovering the laws of its development, and formulating the directions of work fromIn order to change it, and extract the experience of practice to enrich the theory, integrate and evolve ■
(Kh)
A "change" site in Marxism
[■ Among his critical subjects of Feuerbach, perhaps the most prominent of which is in understanding the Marx approach, that placed: “The concern of philosophers has so far was the interpretation of (justification) of the world, but the issue is to change it.”
The logic of Marxism and its approach can only be aware of the entrance to this place, and by keeping it alive in the mind.Because science, in the Marx curriculum, cannot be separated from Praxis aimed at "changing the world".This revolutionary view rules and regulates the entirety of Marx's analysis of the production pattern and capitalist society:]
1- ■ Marx did not neglect the ability of capitalism to derive the means to control its contradictions and find exits from its crises, but on the contrary, it was accurately analyzed in the third volume of capital, many of these means and exits, whether that existing in his era, or those that were able to be able in the futureAnd among them is the capitalist expansion in the colonies (or affiliated countries), the formation of the global market, etc.
If Marx was a contemplative philosopher who sees his mission in "Interpretation of the World", or economically, his concern is to justify the capitalist system, and to derive the means to manage it efficiently, his extraction would have been that the working class should wait for capitalism to complete the exhaustion of the possible means and exits from its crises, before it moved to the revolutionary act.
2- ■ Marx was not a contemplative, nor economical philosopher in the service of the capitalist system.It was essentially revolutionary.And because it does not analyze the existing system from the angle of justification, nor from the angle of its “interpretation”, but from the angle of the struggle in order to change it, it did not conclude that we have to wait until capitalism is exhausted by its exits and its capabilities to expand, but his interest has focused on developing the struggle program for the proletariat, and crystallizingIts revolutionary strategy, in countries where capitalism has evolved to the point of maturity, in order to topple its authority.
3- ■ The new reformists can owe Marx to this unscientific enthusiasm, and call him the voluntary or classism, or what they want from the charges.But the truth is that Marx was a Marxist, that is, a revolutionary view of the proletariat, and not an advocate of the justification of capitalism.From this site, he saw his duty, that is, the function of his theory, but lies in the discovery of the objective ways of the proletarian revolution, based on the tangible analysis of the tangible reality of capitalist societies of his time.From here the common idea arises that Marx was "expecting" the revolution first in the advanced capitalist countries, and that his expectation was wrong.
■ The truth is that Marx sees the socialist revolution in response to the objective need of society to overcome capitalism, which he deems to emerge from the core of the contradictions of capitalism that, in his era, is manifested in a more severe way - in its most advanced and mature societies.It was natural that his extracts, regarding the program of the working class of the struggle for change, were consistent with the tangible reality of the capitalist system of its time, and emanating from this reality.
Therefore, what appears to be as a "wrong expectation", or "an assumption that did not obtain the recommendation of history", is in fact only the hypothesis of work in harmony with its revolutionary method.And the assumptions of work, in every scientific curriculum, are legitimate, but it is indispensable, and it should not be judged from the point of view of its absolute health, or its absolute error, but only from the point of view of the validity of the assumption of the work, as a tool for knowledge and practice, within the limits of the obese conditions that are being appliedThe hypothesis in its scope.
4- Thus, the strategic (struggle) conclusions that Marx ended in analyzing the tangible reality of the capital of his time, including his theory about the transition stage (from capitalism to socialism) and the assumptions of work from which it is launched, should not be judged from the point of its validity or error in a wayAbsolute, but only from the point of view of the realization of its historical borders, and the relative nature dictated by its historical borders, from the point of view of its validity as tools of knowledge and practice in the existing situation at the time, in view of it through the requirements of the struggle of the working class in order to change it ■
(I)
Marxism ... fundamental laws and concepts
1- ■ We put in the category of the fundamental laws and concepts of the Marxist theory that applied the physical material approach to history, so it became a science;That is, on the social reality in the various stages of its development;In this field, we put the following elements:
A) The laws of capitalist development as discovered by Marx, and as Lenin developed by his analysis of capitalism in its imperialist phase, and as it is subject to development in light of a scientific analysis of the new - advanced imperialist - from the stages of capitalist development.
B) The vanguard role of the working class within the framework of the theory of class conflict.
C) The theory of the socialist revolution and the leadership role of the working class in the transition to socialism, as well as Lenin developed, and as it is subject to development in light of a scientific analysis of the experience of practice and the reality of contemporary capitalism.
D) The varying law of development that governs capitalism in its imperialist phase, where capitalist production relations have become a restriction that restricts the development of production forces, not only in its developed centers, but also in its less developed parties.
E) The theory of the Vanguard Party and its organizational principle (democratic centralization) and its relationship to the class and its allies.
F) The basic general principles of the process of moving to socialism and the foundations of the socialist society, provided that it is enriched and corrected in the light of the outcome and lessons of practice.
2- ■ We do not deny that these basic concepts remain open for critical scrutiny and correction in the light of the facts revealed by practice. Since the late 19th century, some of the most prominent bourgeois economists, the most sober and intense, admitted that the monetary analysis of Marx's doctrine is not to refute, but to develop it According to the region (i.e. its method). The saying that the analysis presented by Marxism for a specific stage, and a specific reality, cannot remain the same analysis of another stage and a new reality, is a completely correct saying. It accurately applies to what we called extracts and work assumptions that are conditional on their time and location. But this correct saying is not concluded from it that the only constant in Marxism is its dialectical approach. This sudden shift in the conclusion involves manipulating the words of "stage" and "reality", and using them with different meanings, and it opens the door wide for selective revision.
■ Let us take, for example, the law of value.This law, as Marx, applies, applies - as Marx explained - to all forms and stages of merchandise production, and its effect is negated by the removal of merchandise production.It is a law derived from merchandise production analysis as a stage of the development of production forces.However, the effect of this law applies to the pre -capitalist stages, as much as the production and exchange of merchandise arises, and applies to the stage of capitalism, and remains a certain degree of its effect throughout the transition to socialism.
Is it correct to say that Marx's concept of value is not fixed, because it emanates from a specific "analysis"?Certainly it is not correct.The correct view is that it is fixed, in the sense of good as a tool for knowledge, as long as - and as much - the merchandise production continues.The same applies, when examining the excess value law, which remains constant, as long as the "stage" of capitalist production continues.
3- ■ Thus, we can discover in Marxism a lot of “things” that remain fixed (again: meaning that they are valid as cognitive tools) until the non-improvised society, that is, until the division of society ends into classes as a stage of the development of human history.
The development of these basic laws and concepts does not negate the characteristic of "stability", which does not negate their validity as knowledge tools.For example, Lenin could not develop the concept of imperialism and the varying law of development if it had not been used, as valid cognitive tools, the basic laws and concepts that Marx formulated about capitalist development.And the fact that he used it means that he assumed its stability and health, (and even demonstrated that the entry of capitalism its imperialist phase is an assertion of its health that is not deny
(H)
Ideological openness ..
A rebound from the circle of science to the circle of ideology
1- ■ The call to "ideological openness" starts from a vulgar distortion of the idea that the physical material approach is "an assimilation of everything that is valuable and positive" in philosophy.And the source of vulgarity lies in neglecting what is essential in the idea, which is that "assimilation" involves here a dialectical denial of philosophy, that is, a systematic criticism of it, it remains only to extract it from the laws of human thinking, the laws of awareness and its relationship to material reality, i.e. only remains from itThe approach should be followed by consciousness in order to realize the truth.
■ Marxism has accomplished this negation - this assimilation of everything that is valuable and positive in philosophy - by crystallizing the method of material controversy. The circumvention of this achievement by repeating the call to "re -absorb what is valuable and positive" in the prevailing bourgeois intellectual currents is a reversion from the circle of science to the circle of ideology. It is a pattern of intellectual adults of the forms of prevailing ideological awareness, and an invitation to reconcile with it instead of its systematic criticism. It is a flattering that opens the door for the various and worst forms of selectivity and intellectual fluidity. This is because the door keeps a wide shiny in front of the question: What is the values and positive that should be absorbed? How is this valuable and positive definition by using the curriculum of physical controversy? But exactly here the issue lies.
2- ■ Other intellectual currents consist of a philosophical approach, which is used to justify a system of theses that reflect the reality and interests of a specific social class or segment.There is no doubt that these theses involve a portion of the truth, but they are a single, fragmented and employed fact to justify the vision and interests of another class.How can the working class thought absorb these theses?How does the truth understand it?Note that this fact, according to the method of material controversy, and even "absorbed", must be known by analyzing reality, and not by "absorbing" ideas that falsify reality.
So the philosophical approach to these intellectual currents remains.Is there anyone who can seriously call for the curriculum of material controversy to absorb elements of the philosophical approach to these currents, after he established himself on a dialectical denial of its climax, for its giant summits, similar to what Hegel philosophy represented for example.
3- ■ The same judgment applies to the call to "inspires heritage and absorb what is valuable and positive in it."This call is also only an invitation to confusion and intellectual fluidity.There is no doubt that our Arab and Islamic heritage involves a rich wealth of knowledge, which is still buried amid dignity of fog, ideological illusion, and prejudices.
There is no doubt that a serious scientific study of this heritage is an issue that urgently raises itself on the agenda of Arab Marxist thought.However, the invitation to "inspires heritage" does not contribute to urging this study, but rather cuts the way on it.The issue is specifically in answering the question: What is positive and progressive in heritage, which should be inspired?
■ This question can only be answered by a scientific analysis of the realistic path of the movement of thought in Arab and Islamic history, in its context, the role that important ideas that the heritage involved in the march of this history played. The scientific analysis ultimately depends on the curriculum in which it is used. From the angle of the utopian socialist approach, the Carmatian call may appear, for example, as a socialist call that expresses "the dream of eternal humanity in equality." But a historical analysis based on the method of material controversy may result in discovering the fact that this call is an invitation to equality between the free at the expense of collective exploitation of slaves.
■ And so we return to the starting point.What is the value of the call for the adoption of heritage as an intellectual reference, if it is recognized that determining "what is positive and progressive" in the heritage is in itself that needs an intellectual reference that is not provided by heritage?This pattern of lying and intellectual rotation is nothing but an insult to heritage and science together.Science requires frankness and intellectual clarity, and it has no connection to the savvy, rotation, and deliberate ambiguity;Rather, respect for heritage also requires frankness and transparency, not to be overwhelmed and loud ■
(Z)
The difference between the form of the political system,
And between the class content of the state authority
1- ■ The Communist Statement explains that the first step of the revolutionary process (leading to the birth of socialist society) begins, “that the proletariat will rise to the location of the ruling class, to win the battle of democracy.The proletariat (Al -Dhafra) uses its political (hegemony) to extract the entire capital, with gradient steps, from the hands of the bourgeoisie, for the concentration of all production tools in the hands of the state, that is, in the hands of the proletariat that organized itself as a ruling class, and in order to improve the development of the producing forces as soon as possiblePossible pace. ”
In the "Gotha" criticism, Marx explains that the process of the birth of socialist society from the womb of the capitalist society is going through a long "difficult labor" period, as "between the capitalist society and the Communist society is the period of revolutionary conversion to the first to the latter.This also coincides with a political transition period, where the state can only be the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. ”
2- ■ These two quotes should be read in light of the following two observations:
- The first is that Marx, in the "Criticism of the Gota Program" talks about "Communist society" as two stages: the first stage, which is the stage that was later called the "Social Society" stage; The upper and last stage, which is now called the communist stage. Consequently, the "transition period" that he talks about here, and which the Communist statement determines its main tasks accurately, is the stage of transition from capitalism to socialism, that is, the stage that separates the overthrow of capitalism and the completion of the birth of the socialist society, and it is not the stage of the socialist society itself, as it is calculated Some of those who read Marx quickly read. A audited reading of the "Gota Program Criticism" brochure confirms this conclusion.
- The second note is that the concept of "revolutionary dictatorship" here has nothing to do with the common conflict between democracy and dictatorship. He does not talk about the prevailing form of the political system, but rather about the class content of the state’s authority. It emanates from the Marxist analysis of the phenomenon of the state (the political authority) as a special apparatus (a professional and "separate" device of society, in the relative sense of course), and its function is to impose the law prevailing by force. Since the prevailing law, in any class society, is the law that expresses and protects, the interests of the prevailing class, each form of the state regardless of the political system, is in essence a dictatorship of a class, or a class alliance against a class, or against a class alliance .
3- Thus, the bourgeois democratic state-due to its function in protecting and imposing the rule of law that protects private ownership, whether it did this by resorting to the blatant force, or by any other means-is in fact the minority dictatorship of the owners of the means of production on the majority of the abstract (deprived) ) From the ownership of the means of production. It results from this, that the concept of the proletariat's dictatorship does not specify, for Marx, the form of the practice of political power (or the form of the prevailing political system), but rather it relates exclusively to its class content. It is just another expression, in a different formula, about the issue of "the proletariat winning the battle of democracy and its transfer to the location of the ruling class", where the state’s authority is used to impose the rule of its law that allows the removal of the "ownership of the ownership of the property", which protects the public ownership of the means of production.
■ Marx, in his analysis of the Paris-1871 Comuna experience, considers that this new country, despite its explicit description as a dictatorship of a class against another class, can- and even must exercise its authority through forms of political democracy, is broader, richest, deeper and more comprehensive thanPeriodic democracy forms;In his criticism of the "Erfurt" program, Ervars goes to the extent that the Democratic Republic, after ending the economic hegemony of the bourgeoisie, becomes the concrete, concrete form through which the working class is practiced.
■ Therefore, Engels says about this new country, that once it complements its mission to restore the means of production to the hands of society, it loses its character as a state in the literal sense of the word, that is, as a special apparatus for the imposition of the law by force, and begins with the gradual decay: “The first procedure through which the state confirmsReally, it was described as a representative of society as a whole, I mean the seizure of the means of production in the name of society. At the same time, it is the last independent act that it does as a country. ”[Engels in the book: “Anti -Duehring”].But this process begins, of course, only after completing the birth of the socialist society ■]
(s)
About state theory
1- ■ In his book "The State and the Revolution", Lenin provides a summary of Marx and Engels theory about the state through the debate with the chaotic doctrines, as it is a form of utopian socialism, which was focused on criticism and refutation of its central subject that attributes all the evils of capitalism to the state,The slogan "canceling the state" is raised as a direct task, and it is a place that entails in practice in various forms of adventure policies.
Marx and Engels demonstrate, with scientific accuracy, that the state’s phenomenon is not a reason, but rather a result of a certain level of society’s development with its productive powers, and that the objective need for it negates only, when the productive forces achieve a degree of growth that allows, not only to abolish the private property of the means of production, but onlyAlso, by ensuring complete equality among members of society in enjoying the fruits of social work.
■ The state is not canceled, but rather it decays, gradually disappears.Its disappearance is permanently linked to the higher and last stage, from the development of socialist society, the communist stage.Marx explained that the working class remains in need of the state not only during the transfer period, but also during the stage of socialist society;But it is a transitional form of state forms, a form that gradually loses its functions and begins to decay that the socialist society has reached its communist climax.
2- On this point: The transitional nature of the new state, Marx and Engels fought their debate with supporters of the doctrines of “the socialism of the state” that were talking about “the state in general”, and about a socialism being achieved through “the state’s intervention in general”, ignoring the fundamental issue related to the contentThe class of the state authority.
These doctrines (or tendency) had various forms of opportunistic and reform practices in seeking deals with ruling Persia. Marx explained that the "contemporary state" or "the state in general" is an illusion that does not exist. Marx highlighted the importance and necessity of the struggle for the widest possible degree of democratic freedoms, even within the scope of the bourgeois state, but without spreading delusions about its class nature, being - due to the prevailing property relations - the minority dictatorship of the means of production against the deprived majority of it. He explained that it is only possible to move to socialism through a fundamental change in the class content of the state.
3- ■ The working class, when it profits the battle of democracy and turns into a prevailing class, cannot inherit the old state apparatus and simply harness it in its interest, but rather it must get rid of the ancient bureaucratic repression and bureaucratic machine, and to build its new private state that is still yet, in The transitional phase needs a special apparatus to impose the law, the law "expropriation of capital from the bourgeoisie, and overcoming its resistance and strengthening and protecting the public ownership of the means of production", but it is a different type. This is because the imposition of the will of the exploited minority on the exploited majority needs, as Lenin later explains, to a complex repressive machine separate from society. As for the imposition of the will of the majority on the minority, it only needs a simple and documentary machine related to society, a machine that emerges from society, subject to its vast democratic control, It is renewed (that is, its members and those responsible for it change) according to his will.
4- ■ Marx defines, based on his analysis of the experience of the Paris Community, the specifications of this "simple machine", that is, the specifications of the working class state that won the battle of democracy and organized itself as a ruling class, the specifications of the state of the transition period that he calls the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, determines that it is based on the broadest democraticPolitical to the fans of the worker guarantees their direct participation in the management of state affairs, including the right to elect and retrieve the delegate and employees at any moment, and specify the salaries of employees at the level of the average wages of the skilled worker, etc. ...
■ Marx and Engels' confirmation of the deep democratic feature of the transfer phase state is informed by the point of saying that it is the democratic republic after stripping it of the economic domination of the bourgeoisie: “The Democratic Republic is the form in which the working class undertakes the authority of the state.The Commission experience has made clear that this (Democratic Republic) is indeed the (concrete) form of the proletariat's dictatorship after getting rid of the bourgeois dominance »[see Engels:“ Criticism of the draft of the Social Democratic Program for the year 1891 ”.
■ The need for a "special apparatus to impose law", objectively, at the end of the transitional phase, when the birth of socialist society is completed from the womb of capitalism, only then the need for the state as a tool to impose a layer control on another layer.But it does not disappear, yet, from existence.It loses its main function as a tool for class control, but it remains to keep other functions.It begins to gradually lose these functions, begins to decay and disappear, as much as society approaches the real abundance in its communist stage, where society can provide each individual as much as his need ■
(10)
What does it mean that the revolution is on the agenda of history?
1- ■ What do we mean with this title precisely?
Marxism has demonstrated that socialism emanates from the contradictions of capitalism itself, and that it is the outcome of the conscious act of the working class, which is a social force generated by the development of capitalist society and makes it contradictory to it.Marxism has set for itself a specific function: to be a working guide for the working class in its struggle for the revolutionary change that will turn the capitalist society into a socialist society.
■ What does a work evidence mean?How can Marxism do its job as a work guide?
It means drawing a work program for the working class that includes its directions for the due social revolution. This program cannot be formulated in a scientific way, except by analyzing the tangible historical conditions given in the period of time in which it is formulated. In other words, this program cannot be formulated, unless it starts from the hypothesis of its work that the revolution will start from the tangible and existing historical conditions, but rather on the basis of distinguishing between two issues: between realizing the fact that the social revolution has become listed on the agenda of history, it has become An objective necessity for development, and the belief that the conditions for the outbreak of the revolution and its victory have become mature and available at all times and places. This remedy is necessary to block the way for the possibility of manipulating the issue of the revolution.
2- ■ The contradiction between capitalist production relations and between the degree and requirements of the development of productive forces, this contradiction means that capitalism has exhausted its progressive historical role, and that the social revolution led by the working class has become listed on the agenda of history, has become an objective necessity for development. This means that society has entered a historical era of revolutionary transformation, an era of the worsening conflict between the two extremes. But it does not necessarily mean that the conditions for the outbreak of the revolution are ready in all time. The conflict may take many forms, pass through various turns, and sometimes involve intervals that may be long from peaceful development, and sometimes at intervals of revolutionary explosions, uprisings, civil wars, etc. ...
3- ■ These turns depend on the inevitable changes in the proportion of the forces between the conflicting classes, and they are not an automatic reflection of the degree of intensification of the contradiction between production relations and production forces, but also affect many other factors, including the degree of awareness and organization of the classesThe conflicting, especially for the revolutionary class and its allies.This means that the methods of struggle, its forms and direct demands are a variable issue that the working class movement should derive from a sound real estimate of the proportion of the existing class forces, while realizing that they change, and that they are subject to change.
Therefore, Marx warns of adventure tendencies and reckless playing of the issue of the revolution, and it is believed that its conditions have become available at all times and places. This was a prominent in his history against the Blancia (coup) and pebly (chaotic/ anarchist) tendencies, and in his warning to the French workers against the impulsion towards the revolution whose conditions are not available, before its outlook actually in 1871, and the establishment of the Commom. But that did not lead him to say that capitalism has not yet exhausted its historical role in developing the forces of production, but on the contrary: He emphasized that the revolution has become on the agenda of history, and if the conditions for their outbreak and their victory have not yet matured at a certain time, or a certain country, then These conditions must be met in an upcoming circumstance, and that the working class must prepare itself, intellectually and organizationally, for this circumstance.
4- ■ What is required to prepare the working class intellectually and organizationally?
Firstly, a work program is required, and explains to it the tasks due to prepare for the revolution, and the tasks required to pay the process of the revolution when it erupted.This program can only assume the start of the revolution from the tangible historical conditions given, and to define its tasks based on these conditions.Therefore, Marx’s assumption regarding the revolution in a number of advanced capitalist countries is not a prophecy that is ruled by it from the angle of being achieved or not, but rather is the hypothesis of an indispensable work, which emanates from the core of the scientific method.
■ The truth is that the assumptions of work are an episode of scientific logic that cannot be dispensed with in any science, including solid sciences, natural sciences, so what about social sciences? That is, that the method of science, i.e. science, is the approach of truth through practice and by analyzing the lessons of experience and practice. After the theoretical analysis of the phenomenon, the assumptions of work derived from this analysis are the entrance to practice and experience, which in turn is to correct or develop the theory, and so on ... This is necessary in nature sciences, and it is more necessary in society sciences. The difference between natural sciences and social sciences is that the latter cannot isolate the phenomena and test them in a laboratory.
5- ■ The defect in the hypotheses revealed by the experience of practice here may lead to the development and audit of the theory, but not necessarily to refute it. Let's remember that during the dazzling period of the growing power of the Soviet Union in the 1970s, the prevailing tone in some circles was that Marx made a mistake in assuming the victory of the socialist revolution in the most advanced capitalist countries, and that Lenin had corrected this error. Now it is prevalent in the same circles, saying that the collapse of the Soviet Union proves that Lenin has made a mistake, and that Marx was right in his assumption that socialism can only be built in the most advanced countries. The truth is that this is not true, nor that. The imbalance lies in the confusion in which these circles occur between two concepts: between the victory of the socialist revolution with the change that it causes at the level of political power and the follow -up of the state, and the establishment of a socialist society. The defect lies in the inability of these itself to understand the role that the theory plays in the realistic path of the movement of history, it lies in its ideal approach that governs the theory, in isolation from the realistic path of the revolutionary class movement, and the missions it proposes ■
1994
Chapter II
In Scientific Socialism (2/2)
■ Marxism of the 19th century, and the theory of transition to socialism
■ Leninism about imperialism
■ The national issue and the Leninist concept of the right to self -determination
Institute of Social Sciences
The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Marxism of the 19th century,
The theory of transition to socialism
(1)
Distinguish between the transition to socialism,
And between "the establishment of a socialist society"
1-■ ينبغي التمييز بوضوح بين مرحلة «الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية» And between "the establishment of a socialist society". إن هذا التمييز هو عنصر رئيسي من عناصر الإشتراكية العلمية. ولقد بدأ يعبر عن نفسه، بدرجات متباينة ومتقدمة من الوضوح، منذ أن تشكلت الإشتراكية العلمية كتيار فكري مستقل، وميَّزت نفسها عن المذاهب الإشتراكية الطوباوية. ويمكن تلخيص نظرية ماركس وإنجلز بهذا الشأن، وباختزال، على النحو التالي:
إن فترة إنتقالية تقع (تفصل) بين الإطاحة بالرأسمالية وبين ولادة المجتمع الإشتراكي، هي فترة التحويل الثوري للمجتمع الرأسمالي (المجتمع الموروث عن الرأسمالية) إلى مجتمع إشتراكي. إن مرحلة الإنتقال هي فترة المخاض العسيرة التي تمر بها عملية ولادة المجتمع الإشتراكي من رحم المجتمع الرأسمالي القديم. وهي تبدأ عندما تنجح الطبقة العاملة في «كسب معركة Democracy» وتتحول إلى طبقة سائدة، وتشرع في اتخاذ إجراءات متوالية ومتدرجة من أجل «نزع ملكية غاصبي الملكية»، أي من أجل إلغاء الملكية الرأسمالية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج، وتعزيز الملكية للأرض وأدوات الإنتاج والتي تتخذ في البداية بالضرورة شكل ملكية الدولة، ولكن أية دولة؟ دولة الطبقة العاملة التي تنظم نفسها كطبقة حاكمة. [ راجع الموضوعة 8، في القسم بعنوان «Issues and concepts from the perspective of scientific socialism» في Chapter One من هذا الكتاب، بعنوان: «The difference between the form of the political system, And between the class content of the state authority».]
2- ■ The 199th century Marxist heritage focuses its interest in its treatment of the transitional period, on the most distinguished features of the country that will take place during the transition stage, and on the direct political procedures and demands that ensure its establishment.The stretching here is the (proletarian) content of this country, which is described as the broadest democratic of the overwhelming majority (which is formed by the victims of exploitation, and deprived of ownership of the means of production), which uses political power to overcome the resistance of the minority that owns the means of production.
■ This focus on the political side of the transition stage was natural and understandable;First, due to the priority of the struggle for more political democracy, and the breaking of the restrictions imposed by the capital of the 19th century, in its various countries, on the rights and freedoms of the working class;Secondly, in the context of the debate managed by Marxism, and after it is still in the process of laying the scientific foundations of the working class socialism with chaotic trends on the one hand, and with the opportunistic doctrines of supporters of the "state socialism", on the other hand.
■ إن الأولوية التي احتلها هذا السجال، بمحوره الدائر About state theory، لم تكن تنبثق فحسب، من أهمية هذه المسألة كقضية نظرية تشكل دعامة رئيسية من دعائم الرؤية العلمية للطبقة العاملة إلى العالم، ولا من كونها مجرد مسألة علمية تتعلق بمواصفات دولة المستقبل، بل أيضاً من كونها القاعدة النظرية لبلورة موقف سليم من العديد من القضايا العملية المباشرة التي كانت تعكس نفسها على الممارسة السياسية الملموسة للأحزاب والحركات العمالية حينذاك. [ راجع الموضوعة9، في القسم بعنوان «Issues and concepts from the perspective of scientific socialism» في Chapter One من هذا الكتاب، بعنوان: «About state theory».]
3- ■ The extent that the Marx and Engels' heritage involves in accuracy and clarity in its treatment of the political monuments of the transition to socialism, as much as its treatment of economic-social issues and economic tasks for this stage is limited to public features: the gradual removal of capital ownership from the hands of the bourgeoisie, converting the means of production intoPublic ownership across the state, unleashing the accelerated development of production forces.
This treatment is sometimes characterized by the specific dilemmas that this process involves, characterized by a degree of ambiguity and generality, which amounts to simplification, and sometimes it appears to be confused - in this regard - between the stage of transition to socialism, and the stage of the socialist society itself.This is due in part - and despite Marx's indication of a difficult and long labor process, to the prevailing assumption at the time, that the process of moving to socialism will take a relatively short period of time, in the historical sense.
4- ■ The public feature, and the extreme caution, which is dealt with Marx and Engels, the economic dilemmas of the transition to socialism, is mainly due to their concept of the scientific nature of the curriculum that they formulate, and their deliberate refusal to provide ready-made plans for every time and place, especially in the economic affairs, whichThey were well aware that the specific procedures that the working class authority would be provided to address this matter completely depend on the concrete conditions and the level given to the growth of the productive forces, and develop their development.
Marx, as well as Engels, does not hope for repetition, again and again, that they are not concerned with drawing ups ready to organize the future community.This insistence is almost acquired by the feature of exaggeration in the context of the debate with utopian socialist doctrines, which had a pivotal impact on the development and crystallization of their theory.
5- ■ This debate has focused on criticizing and refuting those doctrines that were derived from their socialist principles, the highest values of justice and equality, and they are concerned with formulating ready-made plans to organize the future society on the basis of these principles instead of addressing the concrete issues of the working class struggle for change.On the other hand, Marx stresses that socialism emanates from the contradictions of capitalism itself, and that it becomes possible historically, thanks to the development of capitalism, and it becomes an objective necessity when capitalist production relations begin to fall into contradiction with the development of the productive forces, its arrogance, and its obstacle.
■ Socialism is the outcome of the conscious act of a specific social power that is generated by capitalism in its opposite, and it is the working class.These are the scientific facts from which, at the time, in dealing with the direction of development for the future society.Other than that, Lenin says, "There is no atone from an attempt by Marx to dump in sterile guesses about what cannot be known," that is, what does not allow the historical limits of knowledge to predict it.Even the Marxist theory about the state in the transition stage did not gain its concrete, except from the analysis of the historical experience of the 1848 revolutions that swept Europe, and the Paris - 1871 ■ ■
(a)
A curriculum to treat transition dilemmas to socialism,
It is not tangible treatment for these dilemmas
1- ■ What the 19th-century Marxism offers is not a tangible treatment of economic dilemmas involved in the process of transition to socialism, but rather is mainly a method of treatment, a method, a method that is guided to treat these dilemmas. It is a highly sensitive approach to its focus on a fundamental point: The economic measures taken by the invisible proletariat authority in the transition phase must emerge from the concrete conditions and the level given to the development of the productive forces, and to develop their development, and to be purposeful, and appropriate to the necessities and requirements of unleashing the steady development of the production forces With accelerated aides. It is a tight approach in its awareness of the limits of what is possible for any political authority, no matter how progressive and revolutionary; And for any legal -political measures, whatever radical, to accomplish it under a certain level given of economic -social development.
■ Hence, insisting on setting the general features of the tasks presented in this regard, and emphasizing the need to graduate in the steps taken in this regard, including in accomplishing the task of "expropriation of the ownership of ownership".
The treatment of Engels, for example, to the problem of housing, or the question of how to deal with the ownership of the small farmers of the Earth, and despite the apparently simplified tendency, offered - from the systematic angle - a model of the Marxist style of how to address these dilemmas.
[■ In his research on the "housing problem," Engels asks: "How can a social revolution solve this problem?" This depends not only on the circumstances surrounding every specific case, but also related to issues with much further horizons, among the most basic of the issue of canceling the conflict between the city and the countryside. Since it is not our task to draw utopian plans to organize the future society, it is absurd to enter into researching the issue here. But there is one certain thing, which is that it is already available enough homes in major cities to provide an immediate treatment for every housing deficiency, provided that it is used wisely. (This can be achieved) by taking the state on empty homes, and housing workers who lack shelter in them. And if the proletariat is victorious with political power, then a procedure like it is concerned with the public interest, it will be easy to take it just like all other confiscation and expropriation operations for the public benefit purposes carried out by the (bourgeois) states in our days.
■ Engels adds: “The worker (who has become) the collective owner of housing, factories and work tools is difficult to allow them to be used, by individuals and groups, without compensation for cost, at least in the transitional period.Just as the cancellation of the (private) property of the land does not mean the abolition of real estate rent, but only to turn it into society, even if it is modified, the actual seizure by the working tools of the work tools does not exclude at all the survival of rent and rent.[Marx and Engels/ Selected Business/ Dar Al -Tadad Print 1962 in English/ Volume 1/ p. 570, 629.]
As for the agricultural ownership of the Earth, Engels says: “When we take over the authority of the state, we will not find it necessary even to think of the forced removal of small agricultural property ... Our mission, with regard to the small farmer, is primarily in converting its individual investments and individual ownership into cooperative investments and properties, It is not coercive, but by the strength of the example, and the presentation of social assistance for this purpose. And you will be in possession of, of course, many means to make the little farmer see the expected preferences and benefits, which should be clear to him even at the present time. [Engels: “The agricultural issue in France and Germany”/ selected works/ Edition of Dar Al -Tadq 1962 in English/ Volume 2/ P. 433.]
The simplistic tendency in this treatment emanates from the hypothesis of a rapid transition to socialism, over a relatively short period, thanks to a simultaneous victory for the revolution in a number of the most advanced capitalist countries.]
2- ■ The Marxist thought of the 19th century committed a strict commitment to the limits of this approach.The truth is that the only attempt, according to our knowledge, to provide a more tangible treatment for the economic dilemmas of the transition, before the victory of the October Revolution, was the Kautsky attempt in its chairs "The Day that follows the revolution", which is a valuable Marxist attempt, despite the gaps involved,But it is also conditional on its historical limits, and starts from the same assumption, from which Marx and Engels set out.
[■ Robin Blackporn notes that Kutsky, in the aforementioned amplifiers, records the great dilemmas that the labor authority will face in the socialist transformation process of the economy, and highlights the organizational difficulties that will arise «if the state in Germany takes over the management of production in about two million productive facilities, soIt has also become a mediator for the circulation of its products, which will partially return to it in the form of productive means, and partly in the form of consumer materials that should be distributed over sixty million consumers, each of them has their own and changing needs.
And if Kutsky does not rule out the possibility of finding the means to advance this super work, however he rejects any plan to "control human necessities from above, so that each person allocates his share as in the barracks", and it is considered that this solution will bounce in civilization to a "lower stage", and sees it impossible The day after the revolution, dispensing money, wages, and market prices. The socialist control of the economy will be done mainly, through large installations, which number about 18 thousand, and will become easier because consumption patterns and production are characterized by a certain degree of permanence and statistical order. Kutsky concludes that there is no need to try to do everything at once. (Robin Blackborne: Socialism after the collapse/ New Left Review/ January- February 1991/ p. 17) ■]
(P)
Changing the class content of the state is the main in the transition stage
1- ■ The audited study of the Marxist literature for that period, in its dealing with the dilemmas of the transition stage, has almost reached the conclusion that what distinguishes this stage is mainly the change in the class content of the state, and that the economic-social formation will continue to retain not reckoning with the capital heritage,Until the birth of socialist society is complete.
■ The simplistic tendency to deal with these literature of the economic issue of the transitional stage, and what appears sometimes, as if it was confused or overlapping this level between them, and between the stage of socialist society, are due to the assumption of the possibility of completing a relatively fast transfer to socialism thanks to a simultaneous victory for the revolution in a number of countriesThe most advanced capitalism.Therefore, this stage has not been dealt with, in analyzing the laws of economic development during it, out of the fact that it could take a full historical era.
2- ■ This assumption was conditional on its historical limits, and emanating from it.The experience of revolutions that swept most of the Western and Central European countries at the same time played in 1848, which are a bourgeois bourgeois character, but were characterized by the emergence of the working class for the first time as an independent social power, this experience played its role in shaping this assumption.But its main source was the perception of Marxism for its role and function in the revolutionary movement of the working class.
■ إن هذا الإفتراض ينبغي أن يحاكم ليس فحسب، من زاوية كون مسار التاريخ الواقعي قد أثبت صحته أو خطأه بالمعنى التجريبي، بل من زاوية كونه فرضية عمل تنبثق من الوظيفة التي يحددها المنهج الماركسي لنفسه كدليل عمل للطبقة العاملة في نضالها من أجل التغيير، وهو نضال لا يمكن تصوره إلا في سياق شروط تاريخية ملموسة ومعطاة، وبالتالي، فإن برنامجه لا بد أن ينطوي على افتراض هذه الشروط المعطاة بصفتها نقطة الإنطلاق نحو التغيير. [ راجع الموضوعة 10، في القسم بعنوان «Issues and concepts from the perspective of scientific socialism» في Chapter One من هذا الكتاب، بعنوان: «What does it mean that the revolution is on the agenda of history?».]
3-■ لكن، رغم ما يبدو لأول وهلة وكأنه خلط بين مرحلتين، فإن الدراسة المدققة لتراث Marxism of the 19th century, تشير بوضوح إلى نقطة التمايز التي تقيمها الماركسية – نظرياً – بين مرحلة (فترة) الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية، بصرف النظر عن مداها الزمني، وبين المرحلة التي تبدأ باكتمال ولادة المجتمع الإشتراكي. إن نقطة التمايز هذه، العلامة التي تعلن إجتياز هذا المنعطف التاريخي، تتحدد باكتمال عملية تحويل جميع وسائل الإنتاج إلى مُلكية عامة مشتركة للمجتمع بأسره، وبسيطرة المجتمع الجماعية الكاملة على استخدام هذه الوسائل والتصرف بها، وبالتالي على تخصيص الفائض المتولد عن العمل الإجتماعي؛ فالمجتمع الإشتراكي يوصف بكونه يقوم على قاعدة المساواة بين جميع أفراد المجتمع، فيما يخص علاقتهم بوسائل الإنتاج. ولكن ماركس يحذر من أن هذا لا يعني، بعد، المساواة الكاملة بينهم في ميدان توزيع الحصة المخصصة للإستهلاك من مجموع ناتج العمل الإجتماعي■
(4)
Equality is in the relationship with the means of production,
It is not in the per capita share of the sum of social wealth
1- ■ The socialist society denies the differences between the classes in the relationship towards the means of production (which leads to the disappearance and end of the person’s exploitation of man), but it does not negate the differences between individuals regarding the share that each of them obtains from the total social wealth.
Full equality between members of society in the degree of each of them enjoying the fruits of social work, this equality is achieved only in light of communism, which is the highest and final stage of the stages of the development of socialist society.
[■ See: “Criticism of the Gota Program”, where Marx strongly criticizes the deceitful slogan, which promises that socialism will achieve full equality, and enables the worker to enjoy all the fruits of his work.
Marx explains, first, that society - even after completing its collective control over the means of production, and thus its control of the process of allocating the surplus - will remain in need to deduct a specific share of the product of social work, and allocate it to the purposesAnd even from the share allocated for consumption, a certain percentage must be cut off to spend on education and health services and support the elderly and retirees, etc. ...
Marx explains, secondly, that the community's control of the process of allocating the surplus does not guarantee society equal to the share designated for individual consumption of the total social wealth.It does not cancel the continuation of the effect of "bourgeois law" in the field of distribution, the law that gives everyone an equal right, but it does not guarantee everyone an equal ability to enjoy this right.
■ Marx explains what it means with this idea by saying: The socialist society gives to each individual, from the share designated for individual consumption (from the total outcome of social work), a share commensurate with the degree of contribution of this individual in social work, i.e. a share commensurate with his share of the total social work exertedTo produce the wealth of society: from each according to his ability, and each according to his work.
Since individuals are not equal in their abilities, equality between them in the relationship with the means of production does not ensure equality between them in distributing wealth for consumption, some of them get a greater degree of this wealth, and the other is a less stake.Since individuals are also not equal in their needs, some of them get a share that overflows from their urgent need more than others.
■ But equality in the relationship with the means of production - that is, the ownership of the general and common community of the means of production and its full collective control over the process of allocating the surplus - formulate social production relations in a framework commensurate with, and ensures the response to the requirements of achieving high and expedited and rapid development and growth of productive forces. This growth guarantees the gradual approach to that degree of abundance in social wealth, which is necessary for the disappearance of the differences (canceling the conflict) between the countryside and the city, and the disappearance of the differences (canceling the conflict) between mental work and muscular work, and thus the disappearance of differences between members of society and the achievement of complete equality between them in The degree of enjoying the fruits of social work: from each according to its ability, and each according to its need.
This is the principle that governs and distinguishes the Communist society, which is the upper and final stage of the development of socialist society.]
2- ■ Reflection on Marx and Engels theory about socialist transformation, as well as being an entry point to examine its weaknesses-caused by its historical limits-and to audit it, and enrich them in light of the outcome of the experience, helps in scrutinizing and clarifying the concepts that should be used as cognitive tools to analyze the experience, and in the evacuationA lot of confusion and confusion that was spread by the editions of Marxism -Leninism, which presented the Soviet model once as "advanced socialism", and once as "socialism already", or "realistic socialism".
■ The strict theoretical discrimination in the concepts held by the Marx approach between the transition to socialism, regardless of its supposed perception of its time period, and the stage of socialist society with its minimum and highest, and its scientific analysis of the basic law that governs and distinguishes socialist society, in its first and lower way, dictates a returnConsider these common and misleading formulas in the description of socialism (advanced, actually existing, realized), which had no function other than justifying and decorating the bureaucracy dominance as a social segment.
[■ We mean strict discrimination in the concepts between the two phases, as well, the following: The stage of transition to socialism, in which it has not been completed after the process of converting all means of production into collective ownership of the entire society, and achieving society's full control of its use, and on allocating the outcome of social work, this, this The stage necessarily includes elements inherited from the capitalist society, and in continuation of this or that amount to the action of its laws, including contradictions and class and social conflicts generated by these laws, at a degree and level that promotes the mere sovereignty of the "bourgeois law" in the distribution that leads to inequality between members of society, while The share of each of them is concerned with the consumption share.
■ It also includes, to one degree or another, the continuation of inequality between the classes of society and its segments in its location towards the means of production, and in its relations with the means of production, whether with regard to ownership relations (cooperative property, or small individual ownership in agriculture and services, for example), or even with regard to authorityActing and controlling the means of production and controlling its use (regardless of being ownership of the state), and the consequent ability to control and dispose of the surplus of social work ■]
(Kh)
The social revolution announces the start of the transitional phase
1- ■ It shows the analysis of the reality of the Soviet society that it was not, in fact, he passed the stage of transition to socialism, but was objectively standing in front of the entry into entry into a new phase, an advanced phase, from the transitional stage, and that its crisis was exacerbated and exactly exploded at this turn due to the contradictionBetween the interests of the social power dominated by it, and the monopoly of the authority in it, we mean bureaucracy, and between the benefits that he dictated and requires access to this new phase and the crossing of the turn to it.
[■ Review in this regard the book "On the Soviet Model of the Transition to Socialism", Book No. 16 of the series "Contemporary Palestinian Political Thought", where in detail the main and subsidiary titles in "The References Interest" at the end of this book.]
■ This understanding, which we believe is more harmonious with the Marx approach, provides additional proof to refute the deceptive subject about the superiority of capitalism on socialism, and helps in solving the mystery in which many are confused in trying to explain how a lower social system can outperform a more sophisticated and more advanced social system?The whole mystery becomes outside the subject, and it turns out that it is deliberately contaminated for specific ideological functions, if it becomes clear that the "racket social system" - that is, the socialist system - has not been completed yet.
2- Marxist discrimination in the concepts between the two phases, supported by the facts of the experiment, also helps in judging some of the "evolutionary" tendencies that were recently promoted, which start from the issue that socialism can only be established, except on a degree of material and civilizational development that exceeds whatIt was achieved by the most developed capitalist societies.This issue (in general, in general), is launched to extract from it, that the social revolution led by the working class is no longer listed on the agenda of history, and it is logically that it follows, that the October revolution was a historical error.
3- ■ This issue confuses two concepts, and ignores that the social revolution led by the working class is a turning point that is distinguished from the "social society", and that its objective factors are a different matter from the factors that allow the establishment of a socialist society.
The social revolution led by the working class announces the start of the transition to socialism, and the facts of history have yet confirmed that without it it is not possible to direct the process of moving to socialism, the process of the birth of socialist society, which has already proven history, cannot start as a difficult and long labor process It is so long that it extends over the entire historical era; And that it is only in the context of this process, not outside it, that degree of development in the production forces and social and civilizational progress can be provided, which exceeds the maximum achievement of capitalism, which thus allows the completion of the birth of socialist society. Without the transition stage, which is opened by the social revolution led by the working class, there is no way to establish socialism.
After this, it remains necessary to show why the social revolution has become the leadership role of the working class, and regardless of the nature of its direct social tasks, it presents itself as an objective necessity for progress in late capital societies (or even backward) in the degree of its development, and this leads us to Lenin ■
1994
Leninism about imperialism,
And the strategies extracted from them
(1)
The "varying development" law
1- ■ The main contribution presented by Lenin to the development of Marxist theory about the development of capitalism, was represented in his discovery of the "varying development law", which governs capitalism in its monopolistic phase (imperialism):
- The law of accumulation, and the concentration of capital, leads the capital of free competition to the transition to its opposite, into monopolistic capital, to the emergence of financial capital and its growing export abroad, and to the exacerbation of conflict and competition between the imperialist countries, and between monopolies for the sake of sharing and re -dividing the world.
- The emergence of monopolies does not save the capitalist production pattern from the factors of chaos inherent in it. Rather, the exacerbation of the competition between them leads to a severe disparity in the development between the sectors of the economy within the advanced capitalist country, and between the dependent countries.As wealth is concentrated in a few developed capitalist countries thanks to the supernatural profits that monopolies have, the late countries flood more and more in the chasm of dependency and backwardness.
- It follows that the contradictions of capitalism are increasing, and that the capital has become a restriction that holds the development of all humanity.This makes the socialist revolution on the agenda, and makes it the director of humanity from the impasse in which imperialism places it.This analysis of the extraction of the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution in a backward capitalist country.
[■ Look, for example, “The draft of the Russian Communist Party’s program (Al -Balshafi)” drafted by Lenin, and published for the first time in Al -Barafa on 25/2/1919 (Lenin/ Full Business/ Edition of Dar Al -Takadah 1965 in English/ Volume 29/ p. 122-123).
It is worth noting that the subject that the Boroultari socialist revolution is the only way out of humanity from the dilemma of imperialism, it was not exclusive to Lenin and his Bolshevik comrades, but most of the theorists of the UN revolutionary trend in the global labor movement were adopted during the first war, most notably, for example, Rosa Luxembourg (Rosa Luxemburg), with that, with that, different positions with Lenin regarding some of the results extracted from this issue, which are (in addition to the dispute over the concept of the avant -garde party) attitudes that went with that place to extremist dimensions and conclusions, perfect in our view, exceeding the extent to which Lenin went; Conclusions reach the point of denying the progressive role of the national liberation movements led by the bourgeoisie, and to the point of announcing that the slogan "the right of nations to self -determination" has become a utopian illusion in the era of imperialism.
■ We can also include among the extremist extracts and dogmatic derivatives from that place, Trotzki's theory of "permanent revolution" that rejects in principle the idea of the stage of the revolution, and shows a greater disregard for the laws of the transition to socialism, and a complete ignorance of its requirements and dilemmas, And it evades it towards offering the task of spreading the global revolution, especially in the West, and the acceleration of the establishment of a socialist society on a global scale as the urgent strategic task of the victorious proletariat. Later, this slogan has become the proposed task for the total global working class movement, and the abstract principle of which solutions are derived from all the tangible dilemmas on its agenda in various countries of the world.]
2- ■ If the victory of the October Revolution, and the outbreak of the labor revolutions that swept most of the countries of Europe after the First World War, this extraction came to me, then the subsequent developments revealed the need to scrutinize it.
The truth is that Lenin himself worked to scrutinize him in his subsequent writings in the early 1920s, especially in his treatment of revolution issues in the countries of the East.If the essential and correct in this extraction is that the leadership of the working class of the revolution has become present as an objective necessity for progress in the underdeveloped capitalist societies, then this necessity cannot be achieved, except on the basis of a solid alliance between workers and peasants (and other segments of the small bourgeoisie that suffers from exploitationAt the hands of monopolistic capital).
It follows that the victorious revolution led by the working class, as it overthrew the authority of capital and opens the stage of transition to socialism, does not initially face social tasks of a purely socialist nature, but rather it results in first, to undertake the economic-cultural development missions of society, which was delayed by the bourgeoisieIn the backward countries of their completion, that is, with the social tasks that the bourgeois -democratic revolution in the advanced Western countries (industrialization, liberation of farmers, etc. ...) ■
(a)
The topic of the victory of the social revolution
In a backward capital
1- ■ The possibility of the transfer of the working class to the location of the ruling class in a backward capitalist society, which is derived from the varying law of development, dictates a fundamental development in Marx theory about the transition to socialism, which stems from the assumption of the victory of the labor revolution in a country, or a number of developed countries Politically, in the case of underdeveloped capitalism, it is necessary to pay an exceptional interest in the issue of class alliances, especially the alliance with farmers, and its repercussions on the pattern of political power of the transition stage; Economically, the need to get out of the circle of underdevelopment dictates the necessity of deducting a greater percentage of social work surplus, allocating it to the purposes of developing the infrastructure of production forces, and achieving a degree of accumulation (in the incarnate capital as tools for work), which was accomplished by capitalism in its advanced centers.
■ And if the exit from the integration circle is from the site of dependency in the global capital market that is dominated by monopolies on the one hand, and the workers ’control of the accumulated capital (on the main means of production), on the other hand, allow the appropriate framework for rapid advancement at the pace of the development of the productive forces,This also requires the awareness of the victorious proletariat of the nature of the dual and intertwined tasks facing its authority, the tasks of the late democratic revolution, on the one hand, (economically and socially in particular, but also politically), and the tasks of moving to socialism, on the other hand.
And if the necessities of confronting the siege and imperial aggression are added, then it becomes clear, how much the transition to socialism here becomes more complicated, how much more difficulties and zigzags involve longer time, than those that Marx theory assumes in this regard.
2-■ ولكن لينين الذي صاغ قانون التطور المتفاوت، واشتق منه اشتقاقاً صحيحاً في جوهره، بشأن إمكانية انتصار الثورة بقيادة الطبقة العاملة In a backward capital، لم يستكمل إشتقاق ما ينبغي استخلاصه من ذلك على صعيد تطوير المفهوم الماركسي لمرحلة الإنتقال. إنه يبدو، في كراسه «الدولة والثورة» الذي كُتب عشية ثورة أكتوبر مثلاً، وكأنه يستعيد عناصر التحليل الماركسي لمراحل التحول الإشتراكي دون أن يعير إهتماماً خاصاً، وكافياً، لظروف الرأسمالية المتخلفة. وكذلك هو الأمر في «مسودة برنامج الحزب الشيوعي الروسي (البلشفي)»، التي صيغت في مطلع 1919، وفي العديد من كتاباته لتلك الفترة■
(P)
The historical limits of Leninism theory
1-■ إن المسائل المعقدة التي تنطوي عليها وتثيرها عملية الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية في هذه الحالة، لم يبدأ التعامل معها، بما تتطلبه من دقة وحذر، إلا بعد أن فرضتها الضرورة الموضوعية القاهرة في مطلع عشرينيات ق 20. ومرة أخرى، فإن هذه الثغرة تبين The historical limits of Leninism theory، وتعكس – إلى حد ما – حداثة بنية الطبقة العاملة الروسية، وغلبة العناصر الريفية وشبه البروليتارية المفقرة على تكوينها، وتخلف محيطها الفلاحي الذي شكل، منذ زمن وجيز، واستمر يشكل منبتها الإجتماعي.
■ هنا أيضاً، يتبيّن أن نزعة التبسيط للمعضلات الأكثر تعقيداً التي تواجهها عملية الإنتقال تنبثق من آلية السجال المحتدم مع الإتجاهات الانتهازية في الحركة العمالية العالمية، التي اصطفت وراء بورجوزاياتها الإمبريالية في الحرب الكونية الأولى، وساعدتها في استعادة توازن نظامها بعد الحرب. وبصرف النظر عن هذه الثغرة، فإن علينا أن نرى، من جهة أخرى، أن النظرية اللينينية المنسجمة حول الإمبريالية، وحول إمكانية انتصار الثورةالعمالية In a backward capital، لعبت دوراً محورياً في بلورة التماسك الحازم والجاهزية العالية التي جابه بها حزب البلاشفة، والفصائل المتقدمة للبروليتاريا الروسية، الأزمة العنيفة والتصدع الجدي، اللذين عانى منهما النظام الرأسمالي العالمي غداة الحرب، وفي نجاحه باستثمارها لدفع قضية الإشتراكية إلى الأمام، وهو نجاح غيَّر وجه العالم في ق 20.
2-■ إن الثغرة التي تنطوي عليها النظرية اللينينية، والتي تتحدد في نطاق نمط معالجتها لمعضلات الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية In a backward capital، ينبغي أن لا تقلل من جوانبها الإيجابية، التي يتضح كم لعبت دوراً تقدمياً في دفع مسيرة التاريخ عندما نقارنها بالمصير المأسوي الذي انتهت إليه الثورات الأخرى في أوروبا، غداة الحرب، بسبب حالة عدم الاستعداد والتردد التي سادت حركة الطبقة العاملة وأحزابها.
■ On the other hand, it is also not necessary to exaggerate the assessment of the responsibility of this gap for the problems faced by the October Revolution in its early years. In fact, the measures that the Soviet Authority carried out during what was known as the "Community of the War" were found in the necessities of Cairo, which is generated by the civil war, the siege, and imperial intervention, more than it is due to any prior theoretical perception. Indeed, some of these measures, which were taken on the initiative of Lenin, were inconsistent with the concepts of Lenin himself about the workers' (Soviet) democracy, which indicates that they were emergency measures dictated by the objective conditions of Cairo, and their reasons should be searched in analyzing the circumstances that surrounded it, and not by returning them to any Dysplacement of theory.
3-■ علينا أن نرى، أيضاً، أن نقاد اللينينية من منظري الانتهازية واليمين الإشتراكي الديمقراطي، داخل روسيا وخارجها، لم يكن ينصب نقدهم على معالجة هذه «الثغرة»، بلكان يتركز على محاولة دحض ما هو صحيح وعلمي في Leninism about imperialism, وما يشتق منها من استخلاصات استراتيجية: أي على الموضوعة القائلة بإمكانية وضرورة قيادة الطبقة العاملة للثورة In a backward capital في مرحلة الإمبريالية، بما يترتب على ذلك من إمكانية موضوعية لتولي الطبقة العاملة قيادة سلطة الدولة، وبدء مسيرة الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية.
■ إن تهمة «الإرادوية» التي يوجهها هؤلاء النقاد اليمينيون إلى لينين ورفاقه لا تتناول رؤية البلاشفة للمعضلات التي تنطوي عليها عملية الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية، بل إن هذه التهمة تلصق، أساساً، بنظرية لينين حول إمكانية بدء مسيرة الإنتقال إلى الإشتراكية In a backward capital، وتوظف في محاولات دحضها وتفنيدها - من حيث المبدأ- إستناداً إلى كاريكاتير «تطوري» دوغمائي لنظرية ماركس حول التحول الإشتراكي.
The difficulties and dilemmas involved in the process of transition to socialism from the situation of underdeveloped capitalism were for these critics justified, not to call for its treatment with scientific sobriety and the development of Marx theory regarding it, but rather was a justification for the call to abandon the continuation of the path of transition to socialism, calling for a self -voluntary decisionBy postponing the march imposed by the history of history, and to the apostasy through the revolution that demonstrated itself, how it was actually expressing an objective necessity for progress, and how much its objective conditions were mature.
4- Thus, the option that these right-wing critics was extracting is the choice of self-legalization of the development of the revolution, and the forced control of its movement and its keeping within the bourgeois democratic boundaries. It is the option to hand over power to the bourgeoisie to complete its alleged historical role in developing production forces. We may imagine what Russia would end, and even the entire world of BC, if the Russian working class took this advice. History does not put humans in front of open options they select according to their whims. It puts them in front of specific objective necessities. And the radio is not only evident, by trying to anticipate the movement of history, but also, by trying to control and legalize it within the limits of pre -supposed theoretical perceptions.
5- ■ Lenin and his companions have truly explained that the apostasy through the proletarian revolution, the way to move to socialism, would not have led Russia to a bourgeois democracy that opens to society the waysWith the shackles of the bourgeois bourgeois dictatorship of international monopolistic capital, and perhaps to disintegrate it.
■ The collapse and disintegration that afflicted the Soviet Union after the victory of the response does not reduce the value of the great achievements achieved by the Soviet peoples, during the march of transition to socialism, in all areas of material and civilizational development.We do not forget that the great historical achievement achieved by the October Revolution, and the march of transition to the socialism that the revolution came to announce its opening, was not limited to its Russian dimensions, but rather it also had global dimensions.
And who can ignore the decisive Soviet contribution to the defeat of the Nazis, and the tremendous support provided by the Soviets to the national liberation movements, or to ignore that the mere presence of the Soviet Union has contributed to forcing the ruling monopolistic bombers in the developed capitalist center countries to make important concessions, on the political and economic levels,In favor of labor movements in their countries.
هذه الحقائق، هي التي تشكل حكم التاريخ الإجمالي على نظرية لينين بشأن إمكانية – وليس حتمية – إنتصار الثورة التي تقودها الطبقة العاملة In a backward capital■
1994
The national issue and the Leninist concept of the right to self -determination
(1)
The emergence of nations and the national issue in the era of the emergence of capitalism
[■ When dealing with this topic, we must first define what we mean by the word of the nation: What is the nation, how did it arise, and what are the factors and elements that led to the emergence of such a phenomenon? The emergence of nations is associated with the process of moving from feudalism to capitalism. The emerging bourgeoisie needed to evolve to open a wide market for itself that can absorb the goods that are being produced in the new capitalist style, and as is known, the feudal economic system was based on the basis of the closed economy of the feudal emirate, meaning that every emirate, but every village in Sometimes, it was producing what was necessary for its direct consumption, and the exchange with the villages and other Emirates was narrow, limited and marginal. The economy was based on the basis of self -sufficiency, and the exchange process was mostly within the framework of the village or the emirate's economy. As for the exchange between the Emirates and the various villages, it was so narrow that it was not the main phenomenon in the economy.
■ أما Capital production method، فكان يقوم على قاعدة توسيع Merchandise. وMerchandise يعني إنتاج السلع من أجل التبادل بها في السوق. إذن، الاقتصاد يقوم على قاعدة إنتاج السلع لغرض التبادل مع الآخرين، وليس لغرض الاستهلاك المباشر من قبل المنتجين، أو التبادل المباشر بينهم على نطاق ضيق، ولذلك، فإن اتساع السوق كان مسألة رئيسية تتوقف عليها حياة أو موت الرأسمالية. وموت الرأسمالية باعتبارها ظاهرة ثورية في ذلك العصر لم يكن ممكناً، ولذلك كان لا بد لهذه البورجوازية الناشئة القوية المتطورة أن تسحق وتزيل كل العوائق التي كانت تعترض نموها، ومن هذه العوائق: إفتقارها إلى السوق الموحد التي تستطيع من خلالها أن تعرض منتجاتها من السلع:]
First- the national issue = unity
■ The first field of the emergence of capitalism was the national market, that is, the market consisting of the people of one nation, and what is meant is: all the exchanges that take place in a specific economy. The national market is the sum of the exchanges that take place within the framework of one nation, between the people of the same nation.
Capitalism in the national market has found the first field of its growth and origination in the era in which capitalism was still in the free competition stage, that is, the stage that preceded the stage of monopoly and imperialism;We say, capitalism has found in its first stage in the national market, the best and welcoming natural field for its growing growth without obstacles, and without barriers, for the following main reasons:
1- ■ Because the national market is that it consists of the sons of the same nation, this means that all of them unite between them one language.And the language was in the early stages of the emergence of capitalism, a means of exchange of a very high degree of importance, because the capitalist layer in the first stage of its emergence was formed, in every nation of nations, from hundreds of thousands of young capitalist producers, hundreds of thousands of craft laboratories,Hundreds of thousands of owners of (manifatter), and hundreds of thousands of independent producers, all of them constitute the parts of this market called the national market.
■ These small and many producers at the same time - if we compare them, for example, with the giant monopolistic companies that are now in the era of globalization, monopoly and imperialism - there was no possibility to make the exchange process between them except by providing an easy exchange, which can be used by all of them, which is the language, because the exchange isIt means concluding a set of deals between individuals, among the producers together, and between producers and consumers.
■ You did not have the young capitalist producers at that time the ability to provide translators or special devices to study contracts and transfer them from one language to another, as it is now; This possibility was not for the overwhelming majority of the capitalists, who consisted of craftsmen and expanded their field of production, and sought their laboratories to expand the use of the paid work. Therefore, it was not possible for the exchange process easily within the framework of this market except through the availability of a basic method of exchange is the common language that all these capitalists use to facilitate the contract of deals between them ... Therefore, the market that consists of a group of people speak a language One, it was what constituted the easiest framework and field of the growth and development of capitalism in the first stage of its growth stages.
2- ■ As for the second factor, it is the unified geographical area or the unified earth that does not separate its parts with natural obstacles that are impossible, or difficult to overcome.Why?Also because the possibility of transporting goods from the outskirts of this market to its other parties, from production centers to drainage and consumption sites, was difficult against the background of the complexities of geography and the initiative of transportation.
At that time, the existing means of transportation were not now available, neither vehicles nor railways were able to cross mountain ranges, vast rivers or oceans, and therefore it was provided the possibility of transporting goods from production centers to the markets of the market is one of the main factors to form a unified market, and to facilitate a processThe spread and drainage of goods in it.So, the geographical area unit that did not take place in its parts was any natural obstacles that were difficult to overcome, these were one of the factors that help form the common national market.
3- ■ Based on these two factors: the availability of the joint language + the availability of a unified geographical area that does not separate its parts with major natural obstacles, it was possible for emerging capitalism to build its national market in the sense that it constitutes a market that includes all the people of the same nation, that is, to form a common economic life for this nation.On the basis of this common economic life, the common cultural and political life has quickly developed and developed, in every sense of it.
Thus, the nations arose in the context of a process that is capitalism and its emergence, so that the main element of the national formation - is the need for this emerging capitalism to a market through which it can continue its growth, and the fact that the national market that consists of the people of the same nation is the most loving and easiest field inThe early stages of capitalism to meet this economic need.
Therefore, the bourgeois movements or revolutions that we witnessed in Europe, where capitalism arose for the first time, was always raising the slogan of national unity and national independence, meaning that it was always seeking to form the unified independent nation -state.Whereas, the one nation was fragmented to a group of feudal Emirates that carried out political and economic barriers between its various parts, the bourgeois nationalist movement was fighting for unity, in order to remove obstacles and feudal barriers that exist between the parts of the same nation, as was the case in France, for example, and asIt was the case in Germany.
France, for example, was fragmented to a large number of feudal Emirates.It is true that all these Emirates were under the authority of one king.But every emirate of it was almost independent in its economic affairs at least.When the goods were transferred, for example, from a specific town in France to another town on the other side of the country, it was forced to pass through dozens of barriers, given that each feudal emirate had its customs and authority, etc.From taxes and fees, which would raise their cost.
4- ■ It was not possible to continue the process of capital production and exchange with such a situation, and these barriers that hinder the growth of capitalism had to be removed. Therefore, the French bourgeoisie began its political activity with the process of contributing to strengthening the central state represented by the king at the expense of the feudal authority, so the bourgeoisie was initially supported as a representative of the central state, but the state was the property of the feudal class. Consequently, she could weaken the powers of the feudalists, but it could not have eliminated their economic -social location in full, so the bourgeoisie in a later stage moved to adopt the slogan of projection Feature, and thus remove barriers between the parties of the same nation, to respond to the capitalist need for the same national market that can accommodate its growing merchandise production.
■ The same situation was existing for Germany, but in another form.In Germany, there was no unified central country for the whole of Germany.There were many countries and many feudal UAE, and each of these countries was divided into turn into a number of feudal UAE within it.Therefore (and for other important considerations, it falls in another context), the monotheism process took place in Germany longer, because it was more complicated than it was in France, and therefore also the growth of capitalism in Germany was late than in France.
As for Britain, the bourgeoisie has been able, since 16, to make the property to tool to unite the nation and to remove feudal barriers between its outskirts. Since late BC 16 and the beginning of 17, Britain has been a unified central state, whose parts are not separated from any barriers. Hence, capitalism in Britain was faster than in France. In Germany, capitalism is delayed more than centuries due to the difficulty and the complexity of the establishment of the national unity between the parties of the same nation, so that German capitalism can find for itself a national market that enables it to facilitate its growth process and accelerate this growth, it was necessary to unify the entire German nation In a unified and independent national state, and this nation that has been accomplished only in the last third of BC 19.
Second- the national issue = independence
On the other side, the national issue was for some nations that mean not only unity, but also independence, in the sense of independence from another nation, as was the case, for example in Hungary and Austria. Austria - Hungary was a multi -national empire, or nations (Austrian, Hungarian, Italian, Serbian, etc.), including the Austrian nation (which is part of the German nation) and the Hungarian nation, or the Hungarian people that form later - after the First World War - In his independent state. At that time, Austria had made Hungary part of one empire, as was the situation for example for Sweden that included Norway, and for many nations that were within the framework of the Russian Empire, at the time, such as the Polish nation, the Ukrainian nation, or many Other nations in Europe and others.
So, and so that capitalism, emerging in these countries, can provide an easy and appropriate field for its growth, it was necessary to achieve its independence from the other nation controlling it. Why? Once again, because the national market in the sense of the market that consists of the sons of the same nation, it was the easiest field for the growth of accelerated capitalism without obstacles, and without obstacles to this growth. As capitalism succeeded in establishing its independent national state, it was able to grow at an increasing speed and without obstacles. When the bourgeois class failed to establish its unified independent national state, the growth of capitalism in this nation came late and took long, and became complicated compared to other nations.
Third- The relationship of the emergence of nations to the emergence of the capitalist system
■ We conclude from this that the emergence of nations was accompanied by the emergence of the bourgeoisie and its capitalist system in the early stages of its growth, where capitalism needed a wide market to accommodate growth in its merchandise production and the most broad and easiest field to create such a one -nation, the one speaking in one language, because the language was formed An essential exchange is indispensable in the early stages of the emergence of capitalism, which had a unified geographical area, because the ease of mobility in the single geographical area that does not separate its parts is major natural obstacles, was also one of the main elements that enable capitalism to drain its production in general This market at a time when transportation was still modest.
On the basis of these factors, the bourgeois national movements struggled for the unity of the nation, or for the nation’s unity and independence according to the nature of the national issue, and put this or that nation in the relationship with other nations.The unity of the nation meant the removal of all barriers that hinder the unification of the national market, and separated between the parties of the same nation and its parts.Independence meant the enabling of this bourgeois class in order to find its national market, instead of remaining attached to the bourgeois class of the dominant nation.
Thus, the unified independent nation -state was one of the main slogans raised by the bourgeois national movements in the early stages of capitalism, as an indispensable need to form capitalism from rapid growth and without obstacles. Whereas the developing bourgeoisie managed to achieve this goal by establishing its unified independent national state, capitalism in that nation was able to grow quickly and without obstacles, and achieve important leaps forward, and where the completion of this goal was delayed, capitalist growth in that nation has also been late, in turn, This nation was left behind in the race, which was running between the capitalist state at the time.
(a)
The national issue and the right to self -determination in our time
■ The nation arose as a social phenomenon in response to one of the main needs of the emerging capitalism that its private national market, which was the best, easiest and welcome field for frequent growth of capitalism without barriers.Therefore, the national issue in the era of the beginning of the emergence of capitalism was summarized in the issue of uniting the nation and its independence: the unification of the nation, which means the struggle against feudalism and feudalism of the same nation, and its independence, which means that every nation constitutes its national state.Thus, the national issue raised itself in the early stages of capitalism.
■ At a later stage of the development of capitalism, it was transformed from the free (competition) capitalism (competition), into a monopolistic capital, and as a result, a new stage entered the stage of imperialism.Imperialism is the stage that advanced capitalism entered into the countries that preceded others in capitalist development, and here specifically the countries of Western Europe and North America, then Japan followed.
These countries, which were able to solve their national problems, established their independent unified national countries, and thus managed to develop their capitalist economy quickly and easily, more than others, in which capitalism developed to a degree in which the national market is no longer sufficient to accommodate its large and expanding production.Capitalism in these countries became needed to overcome the borders of the national market, which led to the opening of new markets, and these new markets that opened them were the markets of countries that were subject to their colonial dominance.
■ Capitalism, which has evolved into monopolistic capitalism, and thus into imperialism, also transmitted capitalist development from its countries to these colonial countries.Consequently, the national issue in these colonial countries began to arise, but in light of new circumstances, it makes it relatively distinguished from the national issue as known to Europe and America, that is, as the countries that witnessed the development of capitalism for the first time in the world have known.
The major imperialist countries have completed the process of sharing the world, and re -divided it several times along BC 19, so there is no longer one inch of the lands or seas of the globe, except that it became part of the global capitalist market dominated by imperialism.This imperialist hegemony over the world has put the national issue in a new framework that is relatively different from what was the case in Europe and America.
But did the national issue become fundamentally different from what it was in Europe and America?In other words, did the national issue distract from the issue of removing barriers that hinder the ways of the development of local capitalist production forces?
■ The essence of the national issue has not changed, as the national issue remained the issue of expressing the need of this nation until it removes all barriers that hinder the path of its capitalist growth, that is, the growth of capitalist production forces in it. So, the national issue, in its essence, is still in these colonial or dependent countries, is the issue of removing barriers that hinder the growth of production forces in their capitalist phase, meaning that the growth of capitalist production forces in them, i.e. local capital + local paid work (local working class ) But if these barriers in the countries of Europe in which capitalism originated for the first time was the main degree of feudalism, the main barrier that obstructs and hinders the development of local production forces in their imperialist phase is the colonial factor, that is, imperial control, whether it is an economic military political, or is limited Only on the economic side.
■ Imperialism is the main obstacle that stands a barrier or an obstacle in the face of the development of the colonial nation, so there is no longer a possibility for the development of local production forces in these countries, and the development of the nation, except by getting rid of the imperial yoke.In order for this colonial nation to build itself as a nation that was primarily an imperative to get rid of this imperial control that occurred to it.That is, this nation had to first achieve its right to self -determination, its right to build itself as a nation, its right to establish its unified independent state.
■ The national issue - then - is one of the basic issues that had to be resolved in order to provide the appropriate framework for the development of local production forces. But the national issue has become presenting itself with a new framework because the main obstacle now in front of the development of the nation is no longer the feudal domination as was the previous situation, but rather it has become the imperial domination in the first place. Therefore, the national issue raises itself as the issue of liberation from imperial control, which has become as a matter of the right of this nation to decide its fate itself politically and economically. Hence, the national issue in the imperialist stage has become the issue of its axis of the so -called self -determination, the right of nations to self -determination.
■ The right to self -determination in relation to scientific socialism is not just a legal issue, that is, not only a legal right, it is primarily a slogan for the struggle against imperial domination of this or that nation, and it is a slogan that expresses the need of this nation until it removes every form of national persecution on itBy another nation.The right to self -determination, then, is to express the struggle of persecuted nations in order to remove every form of national persecution on it by another nation, and this is the essence of the Leninist concept of the right to self -determination.
■ In this era, after capitalism turned into imperialism on a global level, national issues became more complicated than ever.Previously, the national issue was very simple, limited and tangible (there is a bourgeoisie and feudalism, the bourgeoisie wants to remove feudalism in order to form a unified and independent national state from other nation -states).But with imperialism, highly complex conditions arose, the issue of the nation -state was affected at the level of many countries in the "Third World", including those that were subjected to the phenomenon of settlement colonialism, which our country is one of its most prominent victims.
■ In the era of imperialism as well, the phenomenon of imperialist division of one nation has emerged into spheres of influence subject to multiple imperialist countries, for example, in our region when it was divided after the First World War and according to the Sykes -Picot Agreement between two imperial states, Britain and France, knowing that our region was not the only oneWhich was divided by imperialism between several countries, or multiple imperialist spheres.
■ The general principle that governs the revolutionary solution to the national issue is the principle that the right of nations by determining its fate in accordance with the Leninist concept as it is mainly centered on the struggle against imperialism, and the struggle to build an independent and unified nation -state in the context, and in the context of the general struggle against imperialism.
In light of the interest of this struggle, the position is decided regarding this or that national issue, and this is what we mean that the right to self -determination is not an absolute right, nor is it a purely legal issue, but it is an issue that is measured, and therefore it is judged, with the balance of what serves the struggle against imperialism,That is, the struggle for progress and development, and in order to enable nations to build their independent, pluralistic, unified state, so that they can rise by developing their local conditions (economically, scientifically, culturally, defensively, ...) in isolation from imperial control, and independence from it.
Thus, the national issue has become present in our world today, and in the light of this rule we can decide our revolutionary position towards it. In terms of principle, the right to self -determination means that every nation has the right to form its unified independent state, its national state.But this right depends on its use on the site of the national issue raised in the course of the struggle against imperialism, that is, the general struggle of all the peoples of the world against imperialism, and in light of this issue the revolutionary position is decided on the right to self -determination ■
1985
Chapter III
In political economy
■ In the context of the physical physical understanding of history, entrance
To political economy
■ الإقتصاد السياسي لCapital production method
Political economy .. categories and concepts
Institute of Social Sciences
The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Within the framework of the dialectical physical understanding of history,
مدخل To political economy
[■ Political economy is a science that studies certain aspects of the lives of human society, is a science that studies the social system of production and economic relations between people during the production process, is a science that studies laws that govern the production, exchange and distribution of material goods in the various stages of the development of human society.
Historical materialism studies the general issues of the development of society: the structure of society, the interaction between various aspects of social life, the general development laws of human society, the social, material and spiritual forces driving this development.
■ إنطلاقاً من هذا التعريف، ومن هذه الزاوية بالتحديد، يقع الإقتصاد السياسي في The field of knowledge and methodology للمادية التاريخية، كون الأخيرة تعبّر عن جوهر المفهوم المادي للتاريخ الذي يعتبر أن العامل الأساس في تطور المجتمع البشري هو – بالتحليل الإخير – إنتاج وإعادة إنتاج الحياة الحقيقية، الفعلية بكل جوانبها المادية إبتداءً، ومن ثم غير المادية (الروحية).
■ Historical materialism illuminates this path with its approach and at the hands of its foundational principles: social existence determines social awareness with the second reflection and interaction of the first;The contradiction between the forces of production and production relations is the engine of progress in society, and in its context the social class struggle falls;The destination of history with an upward outcome, evolutionary, while emphasizing the varying development between different societies;The truth is always tangible ..]
(1)
The production of material goods is the basis of society's life
In order for people to live, they must have food, clothing, housing and other material goods.But do people find these material goods necessary in order to live ready in nature, or do they have to own them to produce them first?
Since the beginning of human societies, man was producing these good deeds. He was hunting and grilling animals to secure his food, and making primitive tools that allow him to produce and possess material goods.He used to build for himself the residence in order to sleep and protect him from predators, or to meet the coldness of nature .. The production of material goods is not based on individuals that are not linked to them, but on the basis of groups, it is social production.The work was considered a social human activity, which is necessarily conscious activity.Accordingly, the production of material goods is the basis for the existence and development of human societies, which requires the availability of three elements, which are:
A) Work: It is the conscious rational effort that a person exerts to produce material goods, and a person as he works, as it affects nature and admires it according to his needs.It is a conscious activity, and the efficiency of a person alone, and without work it is impossible to produce material goods, and it is impossible to have a human life.It is the work that led to the separation of man from the kingdom of the animal.In the context of the work, the need for address appeared, and the language appeared.
B) tools (means) of work: In his attempts to influence and adapt nature according to his needs, man makes work tools, which are all the material means that a person transforms the foundations of nature and enters into them, along with the tools of work in the direct sense of the word (such as the necessary machines and equipment), the following.: Productive establishments and buildings + transportation and communications + necessary vessels to preserve work topics (such as stores, warehouses, tanks, etc.).
Making work tools is a distinctive feature of human work, and human work has been characterized from the beginning, by making work tools of stone and wood.
C) Work topics: By working means, specifically work tools, a person affects the subjects of work that exists in the nature surrounding him.Earth and internal wealth are considered: soil, minerals, forests, oil, water wealth, etc., work topics.What nature contains, then it constitutes the subjects of work.
■ The means of work (equipment, machinery, etc.), if they are associated with work topics (i.e. natural resources), are not produced alone, but rather they must be associated with the conscious human effort to turn all of this into production.So, the equation is based on the following: work + work means + work topics = productive forces ■
(a)
Productive forces and production relationships
■ إنتاج الخيرات المادية يتألف في كل مرحلة من مراحله من عنصرين هما: Productive forces and production relationships.
As for the productive forces, they are the strength of work united with production means (work means+ work topics).Without work strength, that is, human work, even if work means and work topics are available, material goods cannot be produced.
Within the framework of the development of productive forces, relations are formed between people, and the development of productive forces is an indication of the extent of people controlling the forces of nature, so the discovery of fire was a step forward in the development of the productive forces, as well as the discovery of wooden plow, then the metal, and later the automatic plow .. It affected thisEffectively in producing material goods in society.In the early stages of the development of human societies, man was dependent on his physical strength.Then he started to rely on the machine that is made.Today, dependence on physical capabilities is declining, and the role of mental action for people in the production of material goods increases.
■ In the context of the production process, people enter among themselves with mutual economic and economic relationships, which are production relations. To clarify this, we take the following example: There are thousands of people working in factories that produce clothes. But there are thousands of others working in cotton production. And others in the production of knitting and spinning machines. And others in the production of threads. On this basis, in order to reach the production of clothes, all of these people enter into relationships on an objective basis with each other, and these links and relationships are called political economics, production relations. So: the relationships between people in the context of the process of producing, exchange, distribution, and consumption of material goods are production relations.
■ Production relations are either cooperative and solid relations between free individuals freed from the restrictions of exploitation, or they are relations based on man's exploitation of man.The main factor that determines the nature of these relationships is the property of the means of production.But if the ownership of the means of production is in particular, that is, it belongs to individuals and not others in society, it is based on the basis of exploitation, that is, the elements of control, on the one hand, corresponding to the elements of submission, on the other hand.
إن علاقة الناس بوسائل الإنتاج، تحدد مكان ووضع الافراد في عملية الإنتاج، وطرق التوزيع لمنتجات العمل؛ إتحاد Productive forces and production relationships يؤلفان أسلوب الإنتاج (أو نمط الإنتاج) ■
(P)
The construction and the superstructure والعلاقة بينهما
■ In general, that is, if we put aside the peculiarities of development in every society and country, etc., we can say that human history, with the example of most regions of the European continent, has known four examples of methods (patterns) of production, which are:
1- Primitive Al-Masha’i;2- Al-Aboudi;3- Feast;4- The capital.
The motives for the change that have obtained throughout human history are the product of the development of productive forces and the failure of production relations from keeping pace with them, which generates a revolutionary awareness towards progress towards the finest production method, considering that each of the methods of production mentioned above are more superior than its predecessor.
■ Innovative construction (basic, or base) is the sum of production relations.As for the superstructure, it is the system of political, legal, philosophical, religious, behavioral and aesthetic ideas, ideological relations ..., and the bearing institutions, the corresponding to it.It includes the superstructure: the state, the judiciary, political parties, religious institutions, and others.
The basic (basic) construction is the sum of production relations, it is the economic structure of society;And the construction of the inferiority is a constructive building in relation to the superstructure, which are interacting and affecting each other from this binding relationship, and if it is not equal to them.The state »(calculated on superior construction), for example, from the point of view of the influence of the state on the dynamism and the development of production and exchange relations (and circulation), and the role of specific social classes in all of this.
[■ To bring the idea closer, and to clarify the relationship between my basic and decisive concepts, we use an example derived from the sensory, concrete reality of the party building, for the party like our party: as the internal system confirms, the partisan base, i.e. cells, the basis, the basic level on which the party structure and its structure is based. However, and even this level plays its full role, and in order to activate it, it needs to establish a relationship with the higher level in the party’s structure, which is the local committees, in order to ensure linkage, communication and interaction between the party base and other leadership stations in the party in both directions, without which it does not apply to the party (In its various bodies), democratic centralization in internal relations, and with the mass movement.
This relationship between the partisan base (the infinite construction) and the linking, communication and interaction stations, i.e. the local committees, is, from this angle, the relationship of the basic level with the level needed in order to activate the first role and interact with the (leadership) (leadership) building of the party, and hence the decisive role that this plays.Level, local committees level.
■ The relationship between the infiltrators and the superstructure تكون – في عديد الأحيان – قائمة على علاقة الأساسي بالحاسم، فمحرك التطور في المجتمع ليس البناء الفوقي بل البناء التحتي، لكن الأخير لا يفرض نفسه ولا يكتمل شرطه إلا بتطور موازٍ، أو لاحق للبناء الفوقي؛ فالثورة الفرنسية 1789 (التي أحدثت تغييراً جذرياً على بنية الدولة ومنظومتها القانونية، الفكرية، الخ..) توّجت إنتصار البورجوازية (أي نمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي) على طبقة النبلاء (أي نمط الإنتاج الإقطاعي)، وثبتت صيغة الدولة التي تعكس السلطة السياسية للطبقة المسيطرة إقتصادياً (البورجوازية)، أي الطبقة الأساسية في المجتمع بحكم أسلوب الإنتاج السائد. الثورة الفرنسية كانت ضرورية لحسم المضمون الطبقي للسلطة الحاكمة وشكلها (من خلال الدولة) المنسجم مع أسلوب الإنتاج الصاعد، اي Capital production method.
■ Infrastructure (basic, infrastructure) in society includes the overall production relations between people that arise and form in the context of the production process (consumption and trading/ exchange) and reproduction to the material conditions of their lives.
In this context, the superstructure in society appears as an ideological, political -legal form of the economic content of the life of society (and its social life), where the superstructure has a relative independence from the informal construction, but rather on a basis and within the framework of the general association of the superstructure of infrastructure.
It is this relative independence that explains the survival of some aspects of superstructure (for example: traditions, behavior, aesthetic and artistic taste ...) on its old for a period - may be prolonged - from time, even after the change in the infinite construction, without eliminating the validity of the general rule thatIt stipulates that various manifestations and expressions of superstructure are ultimately inflicted on the change in the construction.
■ The general association between the builders (the urban and the superior) does not put the various components of the superior construction (the state, the law, religion, philosophy, art, etc.) on the same level. These components are related to each other, and with the infrastructure in different ways: the state, the law with its institutions, and political organizations ... are directly related to the economic structure (the infinite construction) of society; While other components (the system of ideas prevailing in general, traditions, some aspects of social behavior, etc.) are far from the infinite construction that are indirectly related. As far as the components of the superstructure are directly associated with the construction, it is clearly evident how deep and interacting the basic relationship with the decisive for these two buildings (or structures).
[■ Just as the local committee (as part of the superstructure) is directly related to the partisan base (the infinite construction) because of its proximity to it, which is reflected by the internal system in the name of the "local organization" that includes the local with the cells operating within the scope of its responsibilities. As far as the bodies are rising from the level of the party base in the partisan pyramid, its indirect connection is clear to them, which is usually being overlooked (in terms of restoring the direct connection and the direct relationship) in the conference stations, expanded meetings, etc. .. i.e. when he gathered, the head of the pyramid meets its base in One meeting, with an approved business schedule and equal rights in voting, nomination, election, etc. ..]
■ The interconnection between the builders, on the one hand, and the independence of the relatively superstructure, opens to the active reverse influence of social awareness on social existence, without eliminating that basic principle in historical materialism that is briefly expressed by the essence of the material concept of history, which is: Social existence determines social awareness. Hence the important summary of the militants and struggles in the ranks of the mass movement: social (class) awareness has a clear amount of relative independence because it is influenced by the components of the resulting superstructure - for example - on education, and the acquisition of knowledge in its various fields, or/ and from the concrete societal practice, etc. .
■ As for the economic -social formation, it is a product of infrastructure (production method) and the superstructure (the system of ideas and its institutions).The economic -social formation is a society "in a certain degree of historical development".
From this angle and given its tangible, it is possible (especially in the societies of developing countries) to coexist more than one (style) production within a specific economic -social formation. In this context, the multiplicity of methods (patterns) of production may be embodied in some economic sectors more than others, and in some local communities (rural or urban ...) more than others, but: the multiplicity of production methods does not eliminate the truth of the domination of one of them against others against the background These methods interact with each other through cooperation and conflict relations. For example: The multiplicity of patterns (methods) of production in developing countries (small commodity production pattern ..) does not eliminate the dominance of the capitalist production pattern on social training, etc. .. ■
(4)
Social classes
■ Social classes هي جماعات كبيرة من الناس، تتمايز (تختلف) فيما بينها، من حيث:
Relationship with the means of production (and in accordance with the means of trading ...), which are often proven and formulated by laws;
Her position in a specific (style) style of social production;
- Its role in organizing (or division) of the work;
- Thus, in terms of ways to obtain a share of social wealth and the size of that share.
Among these features, people's varying (legal and other) relationship with production means (or trading) is the main feature of the objective location.
■ Definition of classes based on the site in the production process (and trading), that is, within the economic circle and the economic role as a basis and priority, it is not sufficient to define the classes and determine their location, as there is a major role that plays in this framework the intellectual, political, cultural system, etc. .. i.e. in short the superstructure.
Consequently, class analysis is not limited to the economic standard (which remains the basis), but also includes other political and intellectual criteria, etc. .. It also takes into account the reality of overlap, coexistence and conflict in a society in which it is adjacent, and more interfere with a production pattern (capitalist and beforecapitalist).
■ There are basic layers and non -basic layers in the society concerned, the first creates and determines the method of existing production, and in society (divided into layers) is the layer to which the ownership of basic means of production belongs, that is, the exploited layer that stands with contrast, and the contradiction with the exploited class, for example:
- In the slave community: the angel of slaves # slaves, they are the two basic classes.
In feudal society: feudalism # peasants, the two basic classes.
- In the capitalist society: the bourgeoisie # the proletariat, the two basic classes, where the basic contradiction lies in the contradiction between the social characteristic of production, and the special characteristic of ownership of the means of production.This contradiction expresses itself - in terms of class relations - in the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
■ The non -essential classes, in return, are not caused by the prevailing production method, but rather: either:
A) It is inherited from the previous production method, and then it is called secondary layers, as is the case: the senior owners in capitalist societies, or what is called the traditional small bourgeois bourgeoisie (young peasants, workshops or small stores, etc. ..), and the material rule of their existence isSimple merchandise production;
Or: B) nuclei for a new production style (pattern) in formation, and then it is called transitional layers, as is the case: the free farmers, and the professionals in slavery societies;Or regular professionals in workshops (the exploiter: the teacher, the exploiter: the specialized professional or trainee), the merchants, and the method of feudal societies.
■ إن هذا التصنيف بين طبقة أساسية وأخرى غير أساسية لا يمس بدور الأخيرة وفاعليتها وحركتها في المجتمع في حالتي الصراع المجتمعي المحتدم أو الهاديء؛ فأي عاقل يمكن أن يفكر بتجاهل أهمية دور وفاعلية الفلاحين في عديد مجتمعات Capital production method (!)..
It is a classification that highlights - nothing but - on the location of the two main layers in each production pattern, which embody or embody the contradiction between them the basic contradiction in the social economic formation (between capital and paid action, i.e. between the social capacity of production and the private attribute of ownership, as this contradiction expresses itselfIn terms of class relations, between the two basic classes: bourgeois and proletariat, for example, in the capitalist production pattern community) ■
(Kh)
الإشتراكية وSocial classes
■ Socialism is the system, which: 1- The public community of the means of production prevails;And 2- The producers, democratically organized, control collective control of the authority to dispose of the means of production;And 3- The production of social work.
Socialism achieves equality between members of society, regarding their relations with the means of production in terms of legitimacy, which means ending the exploitation of the workforce in terms of the acquisition of the owner of production on the surplus value, which represents - next - a major step - but not complete - on the way to cancel the division of society into classes.
Does this mean the disappearance of the classes?No, no, the classes do not disappear only when the legal ownership of the means of production moves from private ownership to the ownership of the public community, which in turn raises the issue of who is the mediator, or the taxpayer, to whom this property is transmitted, if it is the state, then what is the class content of this stateAnd how is the mechanism of decision -making and the disposal of the fruit of social work, and what is the relationship of producers with all this, and what is the formula that organizes their participation in the decision -making decision, and determining the share of the social wealth that is distributed, how it is distributed, etc. ..
■ On the importance of changing the legal nature of the ownership of the means of production (and trading), which is the basis for determining the class location, it is not the only basis. And the role that it plays in the social organization (or division) of the work, including the authority to act and the report resulting from the relationship of production (and the follow -up of circulation) and installed by laws and regulations, even if it is not based on ownership, the authority to act in the absence of ownership of the legal sense, and in the absence of Democratic oversight, which results in obtaining material and moral gains, which reproduce the privileges of the deposed royal class, its least; It also entails, the decisive influence, the method of obtaining a share of social wealth, including determining the size of that share ...
■ Socialism as a political, economic -social system, as it evaluates equality between producers (and in accordance with members of society) at the level of the relationship with the means of production (and circulation), it is not yet guaranteed, complete equality between them, that is, in the share of each of them of the fruits of social work, whereThe rule of "each according to his work" prevails, and not "for each of his need."In the socialist society, the individual receives a share of social work that is appropriate for his work, that is, with the degree of his contribution to the social production process.
On the other hand, the supreme stage of the development of the socialist society, in which abundance is safe in material and spiritual goodness, and the control of complete democratic producers on the sources of these good deeds in society, is the one that provides other terms of equation, gives the individual to society as much as his energy, and obtains it as much as he needs ■
2000
الاقتصاد السياسي لCapital production method
[■ The founder of scientific socialism Karl Marx begins the analysis of capitalism with the study of the goods.
Marx considered that the goods are the bourgeois bourgeois society cell, as it reflects all the basic contradictions of capitalism, and there are two conditions that must be available until the economy turns into a merchandise economy: the social division of work + the emergence of private property of the means of production:]
(1)
Merchandise
■ تاريخيا كان يوجد نوعان للإنتاج البضاعي: Merchandise البسيط لدى الفلاحين، حيث تعود وسائل الإنتاج وناتج العمل الى المنتج نفسه. إما في Merchandise الرأسمالي، فإن المنتج المباشر ينفصل عن وسائل الإنتاج وناتج العمل لا يعود له، بل يعود إلى صاحب الإنتاج، أي الرأسمالي صاحب الملكية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج.
In capitalist production, the greatest part of the products (commodities, or goods) is produced for sale, where everything is sold and bought, and in order for the result to become goods, this result should meet not only the need that he produced, but the needs of other people, and this meansThe result of the work does not turn into goods, except when it is produced in the context of the trading process, in order to exchange (i.e. buying and selling).
■ The value of the goods: each goods have a use value and an exchange value.
The use value is measured by the need for it, such as bread for food.
The reciprocal value is measured by its relationship with other goods, for example a baking tie equals the value of the swap one of a kilo of sugar, or others, and there is a correlation between these two features, and in the absence of either of them, there will be no goods ..
■ The important question in this regard is: What is the quantitative proportionality of the goods when making goods?
Some believe that the proportion is determined by supply and demand. If the width of the goods is increased, the demand for them is few, the price decreases, and vice versa if the supply is few and the demand is much, its price increases.
In our daily life this seems logical, but it does not solve the problem.It does not answer the other question, as the price of the goods is determined in the event that the supply and demand match the goods, so does this mean that a kilogram of sugar is equal to a kilogram of salt.Certainly not .. from here we conclude that the supply and demand do not play the primary role in determining the value of the goods.
■ It may come to mind that the use of the goods, that is, the amount of human need for it, is the one that determines its price.This assumption is wrong.For example, wheat is a basic need for humans, so can wheat be more expensive than diamonds, although diamond need is limited in the vast majority of humans.
The value of the goods, as Marx identified, does not lie in the amount of its benefit, nor in its reciprocal relationship, nor in its scarcity, or its provision, but in something else is work, or the amount of social work exerted in order to produce it.
All goods are the result of human work.The goods are compared to each other according to the amount of work embodied in its production, so the amount of social work is the basis of the value and its essence.
Gold is much more expensive than coal, because the cost of the incarnate work in it is much greater than what is required to extract coal.
So, the amount of work in the production of goods is the basis and essence in determining the value, so what determines the exchange value of the goods and its price in the market?When calculating the value of the goods, the following is absorbed: the raw materials used in the goods, and a moderate percentage of the value of assets called the percentage of assets (equipment, buildings), and the value of the workforce embodied in them, to produce them ..
■ How is the amount of social work necessary to produce goods?
The power of work in capitalist society is good.In order for the worker to be able to live and provide the ingredients of his life and the lives of his family, he needs food, drink, clothing, medicine, housing and schools for children ... For this, the capitalist buys the workforce of the worker who receives, in return, a reward equal to the value of what is allowed (and his family) to live,And by renewing his ability to work, that is, renewing his work strength.The worker's workforce is a commodity whose value is determined by providing the means of living, which are necessary for him and his family, in order to survive and reproduce the workforce, and in a manner that guarantees its continuity ■
(a)
Value law
■ Value law، هو القانون الاقتصادي لحركة تطور Merchandise القائم على أساس الملكية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج. إنتاج البضائع يجري بصورة عفوية، غير منسقة وغير منظمة بين مالكي وسائل الإنتاج؛ ومن هنا الصراع فيما بينهم القائم على المنافسة والمزاحمة بغية الحصول على أكبر حصة من السوق، وبالتالي على أعلى درجات الربح، في ظل وجود أكثر من طرف ينتج نفس البضاعة. ولو كان الإنتاج محصورا بشخص، لكان بإمكانه أن يتحكم بسعر تسويق إنتاجه كون بضاعته غير معرضة للمنافسة.
■ But in light of the multiple producers of the quality of similar goods, the markets begin to swing, and the cost of its production is less, it takes the largest share of the market.This is often done through the use of advanced technology (i.e. the development of production forces to increase work productivity and reduce the value of one unit of the goods), as it is - but rather less - through a more severe exploitation of the workforce, or - in exceptional cases - by extending working hours.
■ The value needs a scale (cash)
في السابق، كان تبادل البضاعة يأخذ طابعا عينيا، أي بضاعة مقابل بضاعة، ولكن مع ظهور Merchandise السابق للرأسمالية كانت عملية التبادل في السوق تقاس مقارنة بالذهب، والفضة، والقطع المعدنية. لكن مع تطور Merchandise، وتطور عمليات التبادل، وتشكل الاسواق، ظهر النقد كمقياس للقيمة، وأخذت الدول تطبع نقودها لتسهيل عمليات التبادل. إن وظيفة النقد هي قياس القيمة، فالنقد هو معيار القيمة ومقياسها. إن قياس قيمة البضاعة بالنقد يحدد سعر، أو ثمن البضاعة.
■ النقد هو وسيلة للتداول، ففي Merchandise البسيط كان التداول بضاعة مقابل بضاعة. لكن مع تطور Merchandise أصبحت عملية التبادل بضاعة مقابل نقد، ومبادلة النقد ببضاعة جديدة، أي: بضاعة – نقد- بضاعة. وعليه بات النقد يلعب دورا مهماً في عمليات التبادل البضاعي ومحوريا في الحياة الاقتصادية، وتحوّل النقد الى وسيلة للإثراء، فأخذ الرأسمالي يوظف أمواله من أجل زيادة ثروته ومراكمتها. وبرزت معادلة جديدة في تداول الرأسمال: نقد- بضاعة- نقد*. ومعروف في هذه الحالة أن كمية النقد قبل بيع البضاعة تكون أقل من كميته بعد بيعها، حيث يضاف الربح إليه (ما تمت الإشارة إليه أعلاه بإضافة النجمة).
■ Production of excess value (s g), or surplus value (fq)
مع تطور Merchandise توفرت الشروط الضرورية لنشوء الرأسمالية، ومع نشوء الرأسمالية نشأ جمهور من الفقراء: البروليتاريا، أي العمال المحرومين من ملكية وسائل الإنتاج، والذين لا يملكون سوى قوة عملهم يبيعونها لصاحب العمل. وتتميز هذه الحقبة بمراكمة الثروات النقدية، وامتلاك وسائل الإنتاج لدى البورجوازية، وهي طبقة قليلة العدد واسعة النفوذ والسلطة. وفي هذه الحقبة توحدت الأسواق القومية (الوطنية) للدول الرأسمالية، ونشأت فيما بعد الأسواق العالمية لرأس المال.
The term capitalist calls the person who employs his money in an investment, with the aim of returning to it after a certain period of time with money that exceeded what he employed at the beginning of the investment.
Any capitalist starts working with a project (for example setting up a factory to produce clothing) that first purchases (or renting) the place and establishing the necessary construction on it.Then he purchases machines and secures raw materials.The completion of these steps is not sufficient to generate an additional wealth, which can only be achieved by buying the driving force of this production.The workers' workforce is the necessary condition that is indispensable until the factory begins to produce, and until the capitalist begins to obtain profits that pour next to it to expand its capital.
■ The capital is divided into two parts: fixed capital (w) equivalent to the value of what the capital employed in preparing the factory, construction, machines, and equipment.This is not consumed once in the context of the production process, but rather needs years to consume it.Fixed capital is included in the primary materials that are involved in the production cycle such as energy, fuel, and others.
As for the other capital, it is the changing capital (M), and it is equivalent to what the capitalist spends in buying the workforce, and it considers it as we mentioned above.That is, a portion of the wealth of the capitalist produces an added (extra) value through the changing capital, i.e. (work force).
■ To understand this topic, we show the following example:
The owner of a factory created a factory: buildings, machines, equipment, raw materials and used a working force .. He spent the production of goods equivalent to ten thousand dollars ($ 10,000), distributed as follows:
The value of raw materials is $ 5,000 (fabric and so on)
Fuel, $ 1500 energy
The average consumption of machines is $ 1500
$ 2000 workers wages
Total $ 10,000
That is, the production of the goods in a specific period of time amounted to $ 10,000, and the capital sells it at $ 12,000, so he has a difference between my price (my value) cost and sale of $ 2000.
■ The fundamental question is, where does this difference between the value of the paid and the return of sale come from.It has already been indicated that each commodity has valuable, and its value is determined by the amount of social work incarnated in it.And since the fixed capital does not produce an extra value, the changing capital must be the source of the production of excess value, that is, the difference is the result of the worker's work strength with the extra value it produces.
■ How can the extra value be part of the value of the workforce?The worker was paid from the capital.So the value of the workforce must be a thing, and the wage that something else earns, that is, less.To clarify this, we point out to the following:
The worker's day is divided into two time: the first is called the necessary work time, and the second is the excessive work time (excess).As for the necessary work time, it is that part of the necessary work in order for the worker to renew his work strength.At this time, the worker sells the strength of his work to the capital, for a fee that he believes in (and his family, of course), the means of living necessary to continue.
As for the excessive work time, it is that section on the day of the work in which the worker produces and does not receive his interview instead, but the capitalist seizes it.For example, if the working day consists of 8 hours;These hours are divided into a section in which the worker receives his wages to produce and renew his work strength, and the other department is produced by the worker and does not receive a reward for him, and during it a value is created in which he (captured) is created by the capitalist, and the excess value, or surplus value.
■ Who acquires the extra value?
Participates in the acquisition of the extra value, industrial capitalist, and then the commercial capitalist. The goods, after its production, are transferred to the market in order to sell it, and this is the responsibility of the commercial capitalist, as it is the most capable of knowing the movement of the market (supply and demand). It performs this activity in exchange for a financial return, that is, in a section of the profits generated by the "extra value". As well as the bank capitalist, which gives money to the industrial capitalist to establish its projects in order to obtain "interest", that is, an additional financial percentage as a return on the predecessor capital. This triple electrode (capital: industrial, commercial, and bank) participating in the exploitation process of workers is the one that forms the capitalist class in society ■
(P)
التناقض الأساسي في Capital production method
■ Contrary to pre -capitalist social -economic formations, capitalism is characterized by renewing production methods, and expanding its department through the use of a section of the excess value to increase the capital invested: Initially, the simple capitalist assembly of the development of work productivity was, as the capitalism is mobilized in one operator, a large number of workers performing One work. He was forced workers to accelerate the pace of work. But in the context of the development and accumulation of wealth, it was necessary to divide the work. Thus the manifestation arose, and the transitional phase was to wider industrial production, and to the large automatic industry, which replaced manual work, and deepened more dependent on the worker to the machine ..
■ In the next stage of the development of capitalism, work and production became a social characteristic, especially after large factories, which include hundreds and thousands of workers from various specializations, have evolved.The industrial branches were associated with each other, for example, the association of mechanical construction with the mining industries, and these in turn with extractive industries, such as coal and others.Thus, production gained a social character.
In this context, the social relations that prevailed in cities and countryside were destroyed.The capitalist production dominated all industrial branches.This led to a surplus in employment, which resulted in the phenomenon of unemployment.A chasm also arose between mental work and physical action, as the strength of mental work itself has become a subject of exploitation, and a source of generating excess value.
■ All of this was born in the center of wealth in the hands of a layer of production of production, and to a tremendous growth in the size of the working class, and a significant development in its social and economic advantages, so the capitalist society was divided into a working class, a bourgeois class in its various sections, and it appeared in a bright contradiction between the social nature of production And between the private ownership of the means of production, which is an inherent feature of the capitalist system. The development of the productive forces (meaning the assertion of the collective social nature of production), and the backwardness of production relations (meaning individual acquisition) constitutes, as an objective phenomenon, an obstacle in the way of the development of productive forces, which requires the removal of this obstacle ■
(4)
Founding concepts
■ The capital is divided into fixed capital and changing capital: fixed capital (w) is part of the value of buildings, equipment, raw materials, fuel .., and changing capital (m) is the wages of workers;This is expressed at the costs of production.
■ The organic composition of capital is the proportion of fixed capital to the changing capital (w ÷ m), the more fixed capital, the greater the organic composition of the capital.The lower the changing capital, the greater this composition.
■ The rate of surplus value, or the rate of excess value is the ratio between the extra value and the changing capital (s ÷ m), which is an indication of the degree of exploitation of work by the capital that can increase the rate of excess value by tightening the degree of exploitation of work, either by prolonging the work day orBy intensifying the severity of the work.However, there are natural limits for the possibility of prolonging the working day, and there are natural limits to intensify the intensity of work, unless it is associated with increasing work productivity by developing technical and organizational conditions for production.
■ Increased work productivity means providing conditions that enable a specific amount of work to operate a larger amount (and thus more value) of the means of production (machines + materials + ...) and converting them into goods in a relatively larger amount than before.Increased work productivity means the increase in the percentage of organic formation of capital (w ÷ m).
■ The profit rate is the ratio between the excess value and the total capital with its fixed and variable divisions ((s.
■ The abundance of the accumulation of capital governed by the background of increased productivity to maximize the excess value, as it leads to a low profit rate, leads to a nullification of the accumulation rate, that is, the rate of self -expansion of total capital despite its quantitative growth.This approach leads to the correlation of capital, its purpose of accumulating and self -expansion, on the one hand, and maximizing the profit rate, on the other hand ■
(Kh)
The inclination of the profit rate for landing
■ مع تطور الرأسمالية تزداد نسبة الرأسمال الثابت في التركيب العضوي للرأسمال. وهذا يعني أن كمية المواد الأولية تزداد، وكذلك عدد الآلات والاجهزة في المؤسسات،بينما يزداد عدد العمال بنسبة أقل، أي أن نفقات الأجور تزداد بشكل محدود مقارنة بالزيادة في الرأسمال الثابت. إن الزيادة في التركيب العضوي للرأسمال تؤدي إلى The inclination of the profit rate for landing. وهذا ما سنبينه من خلال ما يلي:
A) He gave a capital that he employed in his project $ 10,000,000 (10 million dollars), with the following distribution:
7,000,000 ($ 7 million) fixed capital (w).
3.,000,000 ($ 3 million) variable capital (M).
And if the rate of excess value (s
((Q.) ÷ (w+m)) x 100 % = [3 million ÷ (7+3) million] x 100 = 30 %.
B) In light of the capitalist competition and with the passage of time, the capitalist is forced to raise the productivity of the work by developing the technology by increasing its employee's capital;If we assume that he raised its capital from 10 to 20 million, and introduced developments in machines, equipment and raw materials, which amounted to 16 out of 20 million, and the rest 4 million used it as wages for workers, even if the rate of excess value is 100%.The profitability rate is for a decrease according to the following equation: ((Q.
Accordingly, the profit rate has decreased from 30 to 20%■
(I)
Capital production pattern crisis
1- The crisis of "the flood of accumulation of capital"
Marx revealed the basic contradiction in the form of capitalist production, and the laws that govern its development.This contradiction is that the acceleration of the accumulation of capital, which is the incentive for capitalist production and its aim, is only a steady increase in the productivity of social work.However, this increase, with the high level of organic composition of capital, leads in the long term to the inclination, and the rate of profit is low.
■ As for the other contradiction, it is caused by the tendency to increase production to achieve the maximum profit that collides with the limited (capable) demand barrier, which is the limits of the purchasing power of society.
This contradiction leads to the "flood of accumulation of capital", that is, the growing masses of the stacked capital, which refrain from carrying out its functions as a capital due to the low profit rate.This leads to searching for new expansion horizons for capital (after it has been equipped with young producers and stripped them of their property) that he does not find in the real economy based on production and services, but rather in the financial markets based on speculation.
2- The crisis of "flood of production"
■ It is a crisis caused by the abundance of the amount of goods produced (supply), in comparison with the actual ability of society to consume (demand), and this crisis is manifested through the following: trade shrinking, i.e. export + stacked goods in the markets and not sold + factories and laboratories are suspended from work+ Wide unemployment among workers.
■ The crisis of the flood of production that express the contradiction between the process of producing excess value (materially embodied in the goods), and between the process of achieving the extra value (i.e. converting it again into cash capital through the sale of goods), takes place within the scope of exchange, i.e. within the scope of trading (CirculationCapital, not within the scope of capital production.
وعليه، فإن أزمة فيض الإنتاج هي عنصر مهم من عناصر أزمة Capital production method، ولكن ليس المنبع الأصلي، وليس التناقض – الأساس الذي تنبثق منه الأزمة، والذي ينشأ أولاً في نطاق عملية إعادة الإنتاج الرأسمالية نفسها، ثم يتعزز بتداخلها مع عملية تداول الرأسمال.
Capitalism crisis primarily is a hypothalamus crisis in the accumulation of capital in the production circuit (Production), and it is strengthened by what this flood leads to, from another excess in the production of consumption goods in the circulation of circulation (Circulation).
■ History is full of crises in the flood of production ... the stage that extends between two crises, called the cycle, and passes four phases: crisis, recession, recovery, rise:
- The crisis is characterized by the flooding of production of goods, and prices are rapidly declining, during which drops abound, production shrinks, and unemployment spreads.This stage is characterized by surplus production and scarcity of consumer demand.
Rawd .. is the second phase in the episode.The stagnation phase is characterized by the limited industrial production, a decrease in goods prices, a recession in trade, a decrease in the profit rate, and a partially destruction in goods stocks ..., and the conflict in order to secure marketing markets and sources of raw materials.During this period, the fixed capital is striving and renewed in order to reduce the cost of production, and the features of the episode begin to move to the third phase, which is recovery.
Recovery .. The institutions that have stood up during the crisis stage begin again, and gradually increase the prices of goods as a result of the partial decrease in unemployment, the increase in demand, and the trade recovers.
- The renaissance is the last phase in the episode, in which the tendency to increase production is totally manifested to its maximum limits;Jadie capitalists expand their institutions, and the production cycle begins with a rise.Because of the chaos of production, conditions are due to a course of new crises as a result of the abundance of supply, and the weak demand
(H)
Monopolistic capitalism .. imperialism
■ In the last third of the 19th century, capitalism developed towards its supreme phase, which is imperialism.The feature of this stage is the solutions to the control of the monopoly places of freedom of competition.This stage has witnessed a great development in the productive forces thanks to technological progress and work regulation techniques.In the face of the development of productive forces and the high frequency of production, economic crises have become more periodic and rapprochement.In the stage of the development of capitalism and its transition to its imperialist phase, production is concentrated and leads to monopoly.
■ Besides the comprehensiveness of capital, i.e. the process of change in the proportions of social capital distribution between centers (or individuals) without any increase, and even sometimes decreasing in its total size, the inventory or focus of it (Concentration) continues.The concentration is intended to increase the capital after the merging of several drawings in one capital, meaning the increase in the size of the capital that is managed from one center, which assumes the increasing size of the absolute social capital.
As a result of the concentration and concentration of capital, the capitalism emerges in front of the possibility and the need to agree to share markets in order to drain production and obtain cheap raw materials.This is what is called monopoly.
■ Monopoly: It is an understanding, or a bloc of capitalists that are concentrated in their hands, and they share the market by draining the largest part of their merchandise.These blocs, whatever their forms, are primarily aimed at maximizing profit.
■ Financial capital is formed through the association of bank capital with industrial capital.Banks buy shares for industrial and commercial monopolies, and become a partner for these industries.For its part, industrial monopolies also have shares in their partner banks, which leads to tangle and integration of artificial and banking painters, and on this basis a new form of capital is known as the financial capital.
■ The Financial Ghole (Oligarchie): As a result of the development of capitalist monopoly, it composes the largest industrialists, bank owners and merchants, the most competent, a small team that oversees the overall economic and political life in the country. Thus, the financial greed, that is, a few handful of humans with huge capital with monopoly in capitalist countries. The financial greed also dominates the political field. It seeks to maximize its influence in the state apparatus, and is linked to common interests between the bureaucracy of the state and the capitalists. This leads to the emergence of the phenomenon of the capitalism of the monopolistic state .. The integration of the financial bond with the bureau of the state led to the emergence of the phenomenon of the capitalist state, which made the state a rule between monopolies, and a balance tool to ensure social and economic stability of the ruling regimes.
■ The varying law of development that governs capitalism in its imperialist phase: The laws of monopolistic competition lead to deepening the disparity in growth and development between the production sectors, within the same country, as well as between different countries.They (i.e. competition laws) judge late countries, which are affiliated with more backwardness and dependency.This leads to attracting wealth and accumulating it in a few rich and developed countries, as it leads to a change in the proportion of power between these imperialist states, and the succession of the periods of consensus, or the conflict between them.
■ Before colonialism, the main form of economic relations between countries was confined to foreign trade through the export of goods, and in light of colonialism, global trade expands more and more, but the export of capital is the one that occupies the center of the lead, and the capital is exported two in two in:
The first: Calculations - by lending to governments or capitalists in other countries.The debtor country must pay benefits on the amounts he borrowed, and thus the excess value that the workers of those countries produce to pay the benefits required for their countries in favor of the developed capitalist centers, instead of using them in the interest of developing the economic structure in their societies .. and these societies are weighted in the city of sometimes their national product.
The second form is, the productive capital, where capitalist monopolies carry out the establishment of industrial institutions, or others in developing countries, and these institutions issue shares sold to capital institutions and companies.The profits resulting from the sale of shares in these companies are due to the stock campaign, that is, mainly for the developed capitalist companies .. The establishment of industrial institutions in the economically underdeveloped countries aims to reduce the cost of production due to the licenses of raw materials and the low labor wages.
■ Through the establishment of new markets and through the export of capital with their financial and productive faces, monopolistic countries seek to extend their control and authority over the economies of importing countries, through a number of laws and procedures known as the structural air conditioning policy that aims to impose an economic dependency on the global capital, and become - fromThen - to political and military dependency .. ■
(Z)
Advanced imperialism
■ If the beginning of BC, has witnessed the beginning of the transformation from the capital of free competition to monopolistic capital, then the end of BC witnessed the completion of this transformation by reaching monopolistic capitalism the peak of its development and decisive dominance in the process of production and international exchange.This turn is called advanced imperialism and the most prominent characteristic of this stage is: the increasing globalization of the capitalist production pattern, the accelerated internationalization of the production process, the circulation of capital and its monopolistic concentration that transcends national barriers, and exceeds the borders between countries.
■ This process of globalization and internationalization involves:
A) The emergence and giant of the monopolies transplanted to the nationalities (ultrasound and financial monopolies), its steady concentration, and its full dominance on the national markets of its countries, as well as their control of major shares from the global economy in various areas of production, financing and exchange, and completing the division of the world into spheres of influence subject to the dominance of a number ofGiant monopolies that occupy the location scheduled in the re -distribution of value surplus on an international scale.
B) The phenomenon of exporting capital out of its original countries in the context of the expansion of international monopoly activity.
C) Advancement in an accelerated pace on the way to liquidate the existing formulas for the pre -capitalist production pattern, the rule of the capitalist production pattern in developing countries, the capitalist transformation of its ruling classes, the tyranny of the compound feature of its local capital, in a way that enhances the intertwining and overlap in the interests between it, and the international monopolistic capital.
D) The intensification of the imperial looting of the countries affiliated with new means and mechanisms, more advanced and effective, devotes the state of backwardness in these countries, deepens its dependency, and exacerbates the process of attracting and accumulating wealth in favor of developed centers at the expense of the parties.
E) The tremendous expansion of the global market, and the expansion of its extension at the expense of the internal production and exchange cycle in each country.Consequently, the scope of overlap, solidarity and mutual dependence among the countries of the capitalist world is increasing.At the same time, the disparity in growth and development is deepened, and the contradictions between the advanced imperialist centers are growing, economic wars erupt, and the intensity of competition between monopolies .. ■
2000
Political economy ... categories and concepts
(6 topics)
(1)
In definition
1-■ البضاعة: في تحليله لنمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي، ينطلق ماركس من تفحص سمات البضاعة (السلعة)، وكنه Merchandise (أو الإنتاج السلعي)، ويتوصل إلى مايلي: البضاعة هي المادة التي تجتمع فيها الصفات الثلاث التالية:
To be of useful value, that is, to meet and satisfy a specific human need, material or spiritual;
To be the outcome of a humanitarian work, that is, it has been made a human effort to produce it;
- That it was produced with the aim of offering it to exchange with other goods, not for the personal consumption of its product.
The goods, then, acquire their characteristic as goods only through exchange.
■ Merchandise: هو بذل جهد بشري من أجل إنتاج المواد التي تُشبع حاجات إنسانية معينة، وبهدف طرحها للتبادل مع بضائع أخرى. إن نشوء ظاهرة Merchandise يفترض بروز وتطور التقسيم الإجتماعي للعمل، ونشوء الملكية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج، إثر انحلال مجتمعات المشاعية البدائية.
برز تقسيم العمل الإجتماعي عندما أخذت طائفة من الناس تتخصص في فلاحة الأرض وزراعتها؛ وأخرى، بتربية الحيوانات؛ وثالثة، باستخراج المعادن ومعالجتها؛ ورابعة، بنسج المنسوجات، أو معالجة الجلود، وصنع الأحذية، الخ ... ونشأت بذلك الحاجة لدى كل طائفة من هؤلاء إلى أن تبادل قسماً من ناتجها بالمواد التي ينتجها الآخرون من أجل استكمال إشباع حاجاتها. وبذلك نشأ Merchandise البسيط، Merchandise بمراحله البدائية.
2- The value: the exchange process necessarily involves the emergence of a specific relationship between the goods that are exchanged.What is the amount of wheat, for example, which is exchanged for a certain amount of cows?Or in other words: How many kilograms of wheat are equal to one cow?Or: What is the value of the cow compared to wheat?This relationship between the goods in the context of its exchange process is what is called value.
■ Where, and how, the goods gain their value? Why is the cow equal to a tons of wheat, for example? The goods cannot derive their value from what it contains of the use value, that is, from the benefit, or the benefit that its holder gets due to its possession of it, as this benefit ranges from person to person, first. Secondly, many things that involve a high use value without having value in exchange. The air we breathe, for example, or tree wood in the virgin forests (radiant forests). Wood acquires a reciprocal value when it makes a human effort to cut it, spread it, and transfer it to where it can be used, that is, it acquires its value from the human work exerted in its production.
■ The used value of the goods is a predetermined feature in which the goods do not become goods unless it has a use value, unless it meets and saturates a specific human need.But this feature is not the one that gives the goods its value in the exchange.What gives the goods their reciprocal value is the work in its production.The rocks in the mountains have no value.But it acquires value when it is extracted and cut, so that it becomes suitable for construction.
The source of the value of the goods, then, is the humanitarian work in its production.What determines the value of the goods is the amount of work in its production, or the time of work needed to make it.If the production of a ton of construction stones requires 10 working hours, for example, while the production of a ton of wood requires 30 hours of work, then a ton of wood can then exchange it with 3 tons of stone, meaning that a ton of wood is equal to 3 tons of construction stone, orThe value of a ton of wood is equal to 3 times the value of a ton of stone.
3- ■ The time of social work is social: But does the goods gain more value if the worker takes, because of his lazy or his lack of experience, a longer time in its production process? No, of course. The exchange process is necessarily a social process. The value of the goods is determined in the context of this process, not according to the time of the work in its production, that is, not according to the amount of work that is already embodied in it, but rather according to the necessary social work time necessary for its production. If the skills available in a society allows the production of tons of wood within 30 hours of work on average, then a ton of wood is equal to 30 hours of work, and even if a specific wood is made - for example - only one hour, in producing this ton of wood in particular, He can only exchange him with a good -parallel goods. The value of the goods, then, is parallel to the necessary social work time for its production.
4- ■ Live work, and dead work: The work in the production of goods is divided into two classes: live (direct) work, and a dead (indirect) work.Dead (indirect) work is the work that was made in a previous period to produce the tools and means that the product uses in the process of making a specific goods.The means used in production, (or: production means), such as tools, machines, raw materials, fuel, intermediate materials and other assistance, are the embodiment of a humanitarian work in their production in the past.It is included in determining the value of the goods only by adding their value is in particular, without increasing, or decreasing.Accordingly, then:
Work tools (machines, etc.) are gradually losing their effectiveness in the context of the production process, that is, they gradually lose part of their value, and this part of the value that work tools during the production process is added to the value of the goods, and becomes a component part of it.This part is defined by what is called the value of ownership of machines and work tools that constitute an element of the formation of the value of the goods.
As for the raw materials and assistance, the value that you gained due to the previous work in its production, this value is deported, transferred, to the new goods without increasing or decreasing.
■ Where, then, comes the new value added to the goods?Why does the value of a square meter of cotton fabric, for example, become greater than the value of the cotton spinning needed to produce this meter of fabric?
The new added value comes from live (direct) work that a person makes to change the yarn into a fabric, that is, from the live (direct) work to convert the subject of work (raw materials, etc.) into new products with new use values.
The means of production deportes their value to the goods as they are, without increasing, decreased, and live (direct) work is the only source of the increase in value, which is the only one that adds a new value to the goods.
5-■ النقود: تبادل البضائع كان في البداية يتم بالمقايضة. ومع تطور Merchandise نشأت الحاجة إلى مقياس محدد للقيمة يُسهِّل التبادل غير المباشر بين البضائع ذات القيم المتكافئة. وبذلك ظهرت النقود كوحدات لقياس القيمة. والنقود كانت في البداية بضاعة مثلها مثل سائر البضائع، ولكنها بضاعة ثمينة تمتلك صفة المقياس النموذجي للقيمة. وشيئاً فشيئاً أصبحت المعادن الثمينة تلعب دور النقود، بالنظر لمواصفاتها التي تُسَهِّل قيامها بدور المقياس النموذجي للقيمة. فإذا كان وزن معين من الذهب (درهم مثلاً) بحاجة إلى 30 ساعة عمل لإنتاجه، فإن درهم الذهب يساوي إذن طناً من الخشب، و3 أطنان من حجر البناء. وبهذا يصبح درهم الذهب وحدة قياسية للقيمة تُسهل عملية التبادل بين المنتجين. إذ يمكن لمنتج طن الخشب أن يقبل الدرهم بديلاً لبضاعته، ثم يستخدمه لاحقاً لشراء 3 أطنان من الحجر.
6.With the emergence of this job for money, it becomes possible to appear the capital in its primitive, commercial and lobby forms.With the emergence of capital, the merchandise exchange between the producers is complicated, as the capital becomes a mediator among the producers themselves.The product sells its goods for money to use this money to buy another goods (goods - money - goods).As for the capital owner (money owner), he uses cash to buy goods in order to sell them to get more cash (money - goods - money*).
7-■ رأس المال، له دور محوري في إنتاج البضائع، وليس في عملية تبادلها، فحسب: ظهور رأس المال التجاري يشكل شرطاً مسبقاً لظهور نمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي، ولكنه ليس شرطاً كافياً، بل لا بد من استكماله بشروط أخرى. إذ أن نمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي هو النظام الإقتصادي الذي يتطور فيه Merchandise، ويتسع نطاقه، ويزداد تعقيداً إلى الدرجة التي يصبح فيها الظاهرة الرئيسية السائدة، الغالبة على النشاط الإقتصادي لمجتمع ما:
In pre -capitalist societies, commercial capital plays the role of mediation among self -sufficient producers, which is a marginal space, and plays a complementary secondary role, in its productive economic activity.
In the capitalist society, the production of goods with the aim of exchanging them in the market becomes the main overwhelming form of economic activity, and the capital begins to play a pivotal role in the process of producing goods, and not only in the process of exchanging them.
8- ■ Capital production pattern: How does this capitalist production pattern appear, and what is the main condition of its emergence and sovereignty?Within the scope of a specific society, the goods are usually being exchanged according to their value in general, that is, according to the time of the social work necessary for its production.What someone is profitable by obtaining a price for his goods is higher than its value, another person loses by selling it to the goods at a lower price than its value.But the total value of the total goods produced by this society cannot increase through the exchange itself.
■ The merchant in this case, earns an increase in his capital by mediating it between closed societies of producers with different levels of work productivity, and thanks to that - through the pure exchange process - he can achieve this equation through the production process if the goods are being exchanged (in general and usually) According to its value?In other words: How can the total of capitalists in a specific society increase their capital if they buy goods in general according to their value, and sell them according to their value (and what one of them earns by defrauding it over the other is necessarily lost, without this leading to an increase in the sum of the capital in the society concerned?).
■ This increase in the capital does not become possible, unless there is a merchandise in the market that leads to possession and consumption to produce greater value than its original value.These goods are already present, and they are the power of work, and it has become available due to the dissolution of the feudal society, the liberation of farmers from the restrictions of the channel, that is, their "liberation" from their association with the land, their stripping of their rights to ownership of the land, and thus separating them from their means of production.
■ The presence of this large number of free people who are deprived of ownership of the means of production, who are free to sell their workforce, on the one hand, and those who are forced, on the other hand, to selling this workforce to others due to their deprivation of ownership of the means of production, is the main condition for the spread and sovereignty of the pattern Capital production. The capitalist buys its capital, production means (work tools, buildings, raw materials, etc.), but he cannot achieve additional value, he cannot achieve an increase in his capital, by selling them as it is, but only when part of his capital is devoted to buying the workforce ( To rent workers), and harness them to give new value to the means of production.
9- ■ The workforce produces surplus value: The workforce, as a goods, has a distinct characteristic of it from all other goods, which is that it using it in a productive manner that can create a new value that exceeds its original value.The value of the workforce, like any other goods, is equal to the necessary social work time required to produce it, that is, the value of the goods and the necessary services in order to produce the workforce and reproduce it, in order to ensure the worker's support (with a certain degree of the ability to renew his energy to work),And support his family (to ensure the reproduction of the workforce).
■ The worker receives (if we look at him not as an individual, but as a class) a reward, to one degree or another, the value of these goods and services necessary to produce and reproduce his workforce.The capitalist (also as a layer, not as an individual) buys the work force permission for its value, but it makes fun of it, uses it, to transform the means of production, and to give new value to it, to produce goods that increase its value to the total value of production means, and the value of production and reproduction of the workforce.This increase in the value, this additional value created by the labor force, calls Marx "surplus value", or "excessive value".
10- ■ The necessary work time-excess work time (excessive work time): The capitalist rents the workforce for a specific period of time, for example, a working day, and it is free to operate and use it during this period.During a part of this period (3 hours, for example), the worker produces a quantity of goods parallel to the value of the workforce, that is, the value of the goods and services necessary in order to live it and his family for one day.This part of the working day is called Marx at the necessary work time, and the goods during which it is produced is parallel to the value of the worker's wages.Therefore, Marx also calls it, the work time is paid (or: paid work).
■ But the worker does not only work for this part of the working day, which covers the cost of his wages, but it works as a full working day, the number of hours ranges according to many factors that we are not going to eat here.This additional part of the working day, the part that the worker operates after completing the "necessary work time" needed to produce what is equivalent to his wages, calls Marx at the time of work surplus (excessive work time), or "surplus work".
■ The goods produced by the worker during the time of work, the capitalist is acquired without charge.The value of these goods is equal to the "surplus value" that the capitalist seizes and adds (or the largest part of it) to its capital.The worker, then, works part of the time to produce what is equivalent to his wages (what is equivalent to the value of his work strength), and the other part of the time works for free to produce a surplus value on which the capitalism seizes without charge.Therefore, Marx calls the second part of the work day with an undifnophial work time (or: the unpaid work).
11- ■ The surplus of absolute value: It is natural for the capitalist to seek to increase the amount of the surplus value that it extracts from the worker to the maximum possible.The capitalist can increase the amount of the surplus value by lengthening the working day, that is, by absolutely extending the work time.The surplus of value obtained by the capitalist is called by extending the excess work time "the surplus of absolute value".
12- ■ The surplus of the relative value: But there are physical, as well as social-political limits, because of the possibility of prolonging the working day, as the duration of the working day constitutes one of the most prominent axes of social conflict between wage and capital.Therefore, the capitalist searches for other means to increase the excess of the extracted value.He can achieve this by changing the relative relationship between the necessary work time, and between the time of work surplus in favor of the latter, by intensifying the intensity of work, or by increasing work productivity by developing the technological conditions of production.
■ Increasing work productivity means that the worker is able within two hours, for example, to produce what he had previously produced within 3 hours.This means shortening the necessary work time.In the event that the duration of the working day is stable, this means increasing the excess work time, and thus increasing the surplus value.The surplus value that the capitalist extracts by changing the relative relationship between the necessary work time and the excess work time, Marx calls it "the surplus of the relative value".
13- ■ Reusor simple capital, and on a wide scale: The capitalist begins its role in the production process by employing its capital to obtain production means (tools and work requirements + raw materials and assistance), and on the strength of work.By mixing these production elements, the capitalist, at the end of the operation, gets a quantity of goods, parallel to the value of the employee production means + the value of the workforce in addition to a new excess value, which is "surplus value", or "excessive value".
Marx calls this process the "Capital Reproduction" process.And if the surplus of value is a little, so that it is only sufficient to secure revenue, or an income for the capitalist who spends it in covering its own expenses, and nothing remains of it that is added to its original capital, then the process of reproduction here is called the process of "simple production of capital".The surplus is consumed by the capitalist, and the capital that is re -employed at the end of the operation is the same one with which the operation began, at its same value.
But when the capital reaches a degree of development, the surplus value becomes sufficient, not only to secure an income of the capitalist, but also to secure additional capital that is added to the original capital to buy more production means and work strength and employ it in the production process.The additional capital in turn produces more value, and thus the value of the capital is constantly expanding.Marx calls this process to "reproduce capital on a large scale."Through this, the "capital accumulation" process is taking place
(a)
Action productivity relationship of value
1- ■ A specific amount of work always produces the same amount of value.But the increase in work productivity means that the amount of value itself becomes embodied in a larger amount of goods, and thus the value of the single goods unit decreases, but the total amount of the value of the total produced goods remains the same.
■ However, since the capitalist does not sell its goods according to the value that is actually embodied in it, but rather according to its socially prevailing value (which is determined on the basis of the social work necessary necessary for its production, not on the basis of the time of the work that is actually made in its production), the capitalist who initiates the introduction of new methodsThe development of work productivity becomes in his possession at the end of the productive process a greater amount of goods whose value (socially prevalent) increases the value of the goods produced by others, and therefore, the share that parallels the variable capital (the employee in purchasing the labor force) of the value of those goods becomes relatively less.
2- ■ Below, clarify the process in a more detailed way:
Suppose that the value produced by one working hour is equal, valued with money, one dinar.Thus, the value that can be produced on a 10 -hour work day is 10 dinars.Suppose that, at the given level of work productivity, during the ten hours, 10 units of certain goods can be produced.And if the means of production used to make one goods unit equals one dinar as well, then each of the goods, in this case, has two dinars.
■ Now: If one of the capitalists tries to double the productivity of the work in his project so that - during the day of 10 hours - it is possible to produce 20 units of the goods instead of 10 units, and if the value of the production means used as it is previously remains, then the value embodied in each A unit of the goods decreases to 1.5 dinars, including a dinar value of production means, and half a dinar equals the new value added to the work. This is because despite the doubling of the productivity of the work, 10 working hours remain created, as was the case in the past, a new value of no more than 10 dinars, no more. But this new value becomes, in this case, distributed over 20 units of the goods instead of 10, so that the share of one unit becomes half a dinar of the value instead of one dinar.
■ In other words: The value created by half an hour of work, instead of a full hour, becomes in this case added to the original value of the means of production in the context of the process of converting it into one unit of the goods. The embodied value in each unit of goods becomes, here, lower than its social value. The necessary social work needed to produce the unit of the goods of the same type is equivalent to two hours of work, while in light of the new production method, the highest productive, requires the production of one unit of the goods an hour and a half of work. But the true value of the goods is not the value that is actually embodied in it, but rather its social value, that is, the true value of the goods is not measured by what its production requires in each case separately, but rather with the average time of work necessary socially necessary to produce it.
■ So: If the capitalist, who applies the new advanced production method, sells its goods to its social value, which equals two dinars, then it sells it to more than its "individual" value per dinar, and thus achieves an additional value that equals half a dinar.The production of this additional value surplus stems from reducing the necessary work time (the work time that the worker takes in the production of the value of the value of his workforce), and the extension of the scenery of the excess work time.
3- ■ How is that?Let's look at the following example: Suppose the value of the necessities of life needed to subscribe to the worker and his family within one day is equal to 6 dinars (that is, the value of the workforce = 6 dinars, meaning that the capitalist needs a variable capital of 6 dinars to rent one factor).right Now:
A) ■ In the first case, as in the above example, we assumed that the social production method enables 10 units of goods within 10 working hours, while the value of production means, which enter into making one goods equals one dinar, meaning that the value of the means of productionFor ten units of the goods equal to 10 dinars.Since the value of the single goods unit is in this case two dinars, two, the value of the production methods used becomes an embodiment in 5 units of the produced goods.
■ We have the permission of the other five units of the produced goods, which are equivalent to the new additional value that was added to the output during the 10 -hour working day. If the value of the workforce (the value of the necessary life necessities to subscribe to the worker) is equal to 6 dinars, as we assume above, then it is equal to the value of 3 units of the produced goods. We have, then, two units of the produced goods are parallel to surplus value, and the value of these two units is equal to 4 dinars. This means that the worker spends 3/5 (three fifths) the day of working in the production of what is equivalent to the value of the necessities of life necessary to live it (i.e. equivalent to the value of his work strength paid to him in the form of wages, i.e. - in other words - what is equivalent to the changing capital employed in buying The strength of his work), while spending 2/5 of the day of working in the production of surplus value.
■ This means: The necessary work time (or: paid work time) is equivalent to 3/5 working day (i.e. 6 hours), and the excess work time (or: unpaid work time), so that 2/5 of the working day (That is, 4 hours).In this (first) case, the ratio is between the necessary (paid) work time, and between the time of the excess (unpaid) work is a ratio of 2: 3.
[■ In this case, too,::
The rate of surplus value = excess value ÷ variable capital = 4 dinars ÷ 6 dinars = 2/3;
Or, excess work time ÷ necessary work time = 4 hours ÷ 6 hours = 2/3;
Or, unpaid work ÷ paid work = 2/3.]
B) ■ In the second case, what happens if the capitalist initiates the introduction of a new production method whose workers can produce 20 units of the goods within 10 hours?
The capitalist, in this case, also sells its goods according to its social value (two dinars two for the unit of one goods), so he gets (20 x 2 = 40) 40 dinars for the goods produced by the worker during the one -day day of 10 hours. And if the value of the production methods needed to make the single goods unit remains as it is (one dinar per unit of goods), then the cost of production necessary to make twenty units of the goods is equal to (20 x 1 = 20) 20 dinars. It is equivalent to the value of 10 units of the produced goods. We exclude these 10 units of the total output, so we have permission (20-10 = 10) 10 units of the goods that are equivalent to the additional additional value that was added to the output during one working day from 10 hours. The value of the workforce (the value of the necessities of life needed to subscribe to the worker) will remain, in this case as well as we assumed above, equal to 6 dinars, that is, the value of 3 units of the produced goods (just as in the first case).
■ So: In this second case (second), we will remain 7 units of the produced goods that are equivalent to the surplus value, and these 7 units are equal to 14 dinars.This means that, in this second case (after the introduction of the new production method), the worker will need to spend only 3/10 (three tenths) on the work day in order to produce the equivalent of the value of the necessary life necessary to live (i.e. what equals the value of his paid work strengthTo him in the form of wages, or - in other words - what equals the value of the variable capital employed in buying the strength of his work), while in return, 7/10 (seven tenths) requires the day of working in the production of surplus value.
In this case, then, the necessary (paid) work time becomes parallel only 3/10 working day (i.e. 3 hours instead of 6 as in the first case), and the excess (unpaid) work time becomes equivalent to 7/10 working day (i.e.7 hours instead of 4 as in the first case).
■ In this (second) case, the ratio between the necessary work time (paid) and between the time of the surplus (unpaid) work becomes a ratio of 7: 3, while it was in the first case = 2: 3.
[■ In the second case, also, we have:
The rate of surplus value = excess value ÷ variable capital = 14 dinars ÷ 6 dinars = 7/3;
Or, excess work time ÷ necessary work time = 7 hours ÷ 3 hours = 7/3;
Or, unpaid work ÷ paid work time = 7/3;
While the rate of surplus value was in the first case = 2/3.]
4- ■ So;The capitalist who initiates the development of the technical methods and conditions of production can acquire in favor of the excess work on a greater share of the work day at the expense of the necessary work.He, according to Marx's expression, can increase the surplus of the relative value.It acquires a greater share of the value of his productive goods compared to what he pays in the form of a variable capital in exchange for the purchase of the workforce.Thus, he can increase the rate of its surplus value above the level of the social value surplus rate.[“Capital”, first volume, pp. 300-302.]
In this regard, Marx says: “The fact that a decrease in excessive living work is embodied in the goods (which are all capital product), because its production requires less work due to the development of social work productivity.This fact does not affect the percentage in which the additional living work embodied in the goods is divided into a paid work, and a free unpaid work.Quite the opposite: Although the total amount of living work embodied in the goods is decreasing, the unpaid part is increasing in comparison with the paid part due to the latter's decline, either absolutely, or relatively.
The inclination of the profit rate to the decrease is associated with the tendency of the rate of value to the height, and thus is associated with the tendency to increase the degree of exploitation of work.There is no, then, what is more avoiding the logic than trying to explain the decrease in the profit rate by the high rate of wages, although this can happen as an exception. ”[“The Capital”, the third volume, p. 293 ■]
(P)
The relationship between the "excess value rate" and the "profit rate"
1- ■ Marx warns against confusion between the "surplus value rate" with "profit rate";And he confirms that these two sayings are completely different from each other, and that the relationship between them is the relationship between the appearance of the phenomenon (profit), and its essence (surplus value).This is because the rate of surplus value is the ratio between the amount of (amount) of the surplus value, and between the variable capital (rum), while the rate of profit [J and (Correction + Rum)] is the ratio between the amount of profit (i.e.: the amount of surplus value))And between the total capital (shabby + Ram) in production, which is the outcome of fixed capital collection with changing capital.
■ The value of the goods is equal to the collection of the value of production methods used in its manufacture + the value of the workforce that the capitalism pays to the worker in the form of wages + added value, or the surplus of the value that the capitalist accounts without charge.
The value of production methods used to make goods is what Marx calls: fixed capital.The fixed capital is the capital employed in securing the production methods needed for the process of making goods.
2- Production means consist of:
A) ■ Fixed production assets, their value is transferred to the goods gradually by owning them, and these include: the work tools and equipment needed for production of machines and other work supplies, the buildings used in the production process, and the land on which it is based.These tools and equipment are not consumed in making the goods at once, but are gradually consumed, and therefore they are transferred to the goods part of their value equal to the value of their possession and not their total value.
B) ■ Raw materials and auxiliary materials (fuel, oils, colors, etc.), and this transmits their full value to the goods in the context of the production process.
■ ينبغي هنا التمييز بين مقولة «رأس المال الثابت» (Constant Capital- CC) - كما يُعَرِّفها ماركس أعلاه – وبين مقولة «رأس المال المستثمر في أصول الإنتاج الثابتة» (Fixed Capital-FC). ذلك أن رأس المال المستثمر في أصول الإنتاج الثابتة (أدوات العمل، والمباني، والأرض المستخدمة للإنتاج) هو جزء من رأس المال الثابت، وليس كله. فبالإضافة إلى هذايشمل رأس المال الثابت أيضاً قيمة المواد الخام، والمواد المساعدة المستخدمة في الإنتاج (FC < CC).
3- ■ As for the value of the workforce, which Marx calls "Variable Capital-VC", it is the capital employed in purchasing the workforce, which finds his critical expression in the total amount of wages paid for workers, and it is parallel to the cost of production and reproduction of powerThe work, that is, the value of the necessary life necessities in order to submit the worker and his family within the level of life given (the standard of living) in a specific society, that is, the value of the goods and the services that the worker needs in order to preserve and renew his work strength, and reproduce it.So: the value of the goods = fixed capital + variable capital + excess value.
■ But for the capitalist, in the context of his management of the production process, the "value of the goods" does not concern him as much as the cost price for the goods, that is, the amount of capital spent on it.The cost of the goods, for the capitalist, is measured by the value of the capital that was spent in its production, and it appears to him outwardly, as if its true value was.But the real cost of the goods, that is, its value, is measured by the amount of work (socially necessary) that was spent in its production.
■ So for the capital: the cost price for the goods = property of fixed production assets + the value of materials, intermediate materials and assistance + variable capital. To facilitate the control of his accounts in managing the production process, the capitalist distinguishes between the "Fixed Capital", which is gradually consumed through a relatively long period of time, and between the capital that is being consumed immediately in the production process, i.e. "circulating capital ((Circulating Capital-Circ), which is equal to the cost of raw and medium materials in addition to the cost of the workforce (wages, or what Marx calls changing capital). So for the capital, the cost price = the value of compensation for ownership of fixed production assets + circulating capital.
4- From his point of view, the capitalist at the beginning of the production process (employed in production) provides a complete capital equal to the value of fixed assets in addition to the circulating capital. And he becomes in his possession, as a result of the production process, a capital equal to the value of fixed assets, minus its possession, in addition to a capital embodied in the goods that cost it equal to it: the value of raw materials and intermediate materials + the value of possession + the value of the workforce; But its real cost (i.e. its true value) contains the addition: excess value. For him, this addition, as a difference between the cost price and the sale price (i.e. the price that the goods can be sold in the market), that is, it appears as a profit generated (produced) the capital. Thus, the surplus of value takes a rejected image as a result of the invested total capital, and it appears in the form of "profit".
Thus, the value equation is based on the following:
The value of the goods = fixed capital + variable capital + excess value;
Or what is equivalent to the same thing: the value of the goods = cost price +excess value;
This equation takes a converted form so that it becomes: the value of the goods = cost price + profit.
5- ■ The profit rate is the profit rate to the total capital consumed in the production of the goods.As for the capitalist, the total capital consumed in the production of the goods is equal to the cost of the cost, that is, the circulating capital is equal to it in addition to the value of the ownership of fixed assets, meaning that:
Total capital (Rakh) = cost price (x K) = the circulating capital (which we will symbolize the symbol: response) + the value of perfection.
However, since (response) = the value of materials and intermediate materials + the value of the workforce;
So the profit rate that is = profit (t) ÷ total capital (Rakh) is also equal:
= Profit (t) ÷ [The value of possession + the value of materials and intermediate materials + the value of the workforce]
So, the profit rate = profit (t), which is the same: ÷ (heat + rum)
Thus, it is distinguished from the rate of surplus value that is = rum (the surplus of value attributed to the variable capital).
However, we do not note that the profit rate = [in ÷ (rum + rum)] x (rum ÷ rum)
So, the profit rate equation can also be written as follows:
The profit rate = (in ÷ ÷ rim) x [Rum ÷ (Rum + Rum)] = (Over ÷ Rum) x (Rum)
That is, the profit rate is equal to the excess value rate multiplied by the variable capital ratio to the total capital.
Thus, the rate of surplus value (i.e. the degree of exploitation of work) constitutes an element of the profit rate determination, but it is not equal to it.The increase in the rate of excess value, as is evident from the equation, leads to an increase in the profit rate as long as the variable capital ratio remains to the total capital (or, which equals the same thing: as long as the variable capital ratio remains to fixed capital).Likewise, increasing the variable capital in relation to the fixed (while the surplus value rate remains the same) leads to an increase in the profit rate.
■ However, in return, the low rate of value surplus does not necessarily lead to a decrease in the profit rate, if it is associated with an increase in the variable capital ratio to fixed.However, the decrease in the percentage of variable capital to the fixed [i.e.: the high level of organic formation (inheritance ÷ rup) of the capital leads to a reduction in the profit rate, if the rate of the surplus value (the rite) remains fixed.
Thus, the increase in productivity [which means the high level of organic formation of the capital, i.e. (inheritance ÷ Rum)] initially leads to an increase in the profit rate by increasing the rate of surplus value;But the increase in productivity itself, soon tends to reduce the profit rate by reducing the variable capital rate compared to the constant."The steady trend of a decrease in the general profit rate is, then, is only an expression of the steady development of the productivity of social work in light of the distinctive conditions for the capitalist production pattern."[“The Capital”, the third volume/ p. 213 ■]
(4)
Absolute, chronic and permanent flood, in the accumulation of capital
1- ■ In the third volume of “Capital” (p. 252), Marx explains the idea of the absolute accumulation of accumulation as follows: “In order to appreciate what one means the accumulation of accumulation in the capital, he only has to assume that it is absolute.When does the flood accumulate the capital at all?When becomes a situation that affects not only one of the production branches, or a few of it, but an absolute case, takes its full range, and thus extends to all fields of production?There is an absolute abundance of the accumulation of capital at the moment when the additional capital mocking the purposes of production becomes equal to zero.
In other words: The moment the capital begins, due to the low profit rates, it is preferable to refrain from investing in the development of the production process, it is preferable to stop doing its job as a capital, and its function in exploiting the work in order to produce a value surplus, as the low profit rate makes the expected value surplusIts production by exploiting the work is less in its amount, which was produced by the working capital (actually employed capital in production) before its expansion, before increasing it by accumulating.
Marx continues: “But the goal of capitalist production is the self -expansion of capital: acquisition of surplus work, surplus value, and profit.And at the moment when the growing capital (due to its self -expansion) is produced an amount of surplus value equals, or less than, the amount that he was producing before increasing it, there becomes an absolute flood of accumulating the capital », where the new capital (formed through self -expansion stopsFor working capital) for employing himself in production.
■ Marx adds: “This condition will be a result, and a reason, for a sudden and deep landing at the general profit rate.But the decline this time will be the result of a change in the formation of capital, which does not find its cause in the development of the forces of production and productivity, but rather finds its cause - probably - in a relative rise in the cash value of the changing capital (due to the increase in wages) and in the reduction of the scenes of the percentage of excess work to the necessary work ».
2- ■ The profit rate tends to decrease, in the long term, due to the high rate of organic formation of the capital caused by the development of work productivity.
[■ The development of work productivity means that a lower amount of live work becomes necessary to operate a greater amount of production means (from "dead work") and to produce a greater amount of goods.That is, the development of work productivity means increasing relative of fixed capital in comparison with changing capital.Returning to the profit rate equation (see Paragraph 3) We will see that this change leads a judgment to a gradual decrease in the profit rate.]
At a certain point, this gradual decrease in the profit rate leads to the erosion of the incentive that drives the accumulated capital to employ itself in production, leads to frustration- inhibition- the process of investing in production, and begins to appear- thus- the case of accumulation.
The accumulated capital (refraining) of the investment means curbing the process of increasing the fixed capital (i.e. the slowdown of the so -called capital formation process), and thus to the rigidity of the total (and total value) of the fixed capital employee in production, at the same time that he continues (With the action of the relative recovery) The relative increase in the demand for the workforce leads to increased wages, that is, to the relative (and temporary) in the cash value of changing capital, that is, in the amount of cash capital that capitalists spend to buy the workforce, without necessarily involved Actual increase in the amount of work being run (the number of workers used).
■ Since the value (and thus the excess value) produced by the workforce depends on the amount of work in production, not on the cash value of the workforce, the increase in this cash value does not result in an increase in the productive value, nor in the surplus of the value that is being produced. And with the rigidity of the increase in the surplus of the productive value, the stagnation, or the slowdown in the fixed capital, and the increasing cash value of the changing capital, the profit rate, as it is clear from his equation [Fakh ÷ (Share + Rum)], is witnessing a sudden and deep decline in all , Or most of the production branches, and thus increases the inhibition of the accumulated capital to employing itself in the productive process, and thus turns the flood accumulating the capital into an absolute flood. The realistic path of the economic cycle of the capitalist system follows this model and matches, almost craftsmanship, with this analysis.
■ The concentration of capital, and the increasing dominance of monopolies, by focusing on the process of forming the capital in the hands of "a few of the large large capital" (in the words of Marx), tends (heading, tending) towards making this absolute flood in the accumulation of capital a chronic condition,Toward approaching it gradually from the state of absolute, chronic and permanent flood in the accumulation of capital, that is, it tends towards approaching the point where the capitalist production pattern becomes sterile, the point in which the "resentment of live production" ■ ■ ■
(Kh)
The actual reduction of the true value of working capital
1- ■ In practice, the transformation of a “section of capital” into a partial or total holidays, expresses himself with bankruptcy and closing productive facilities, with seizures and restructuring operations where large capital seizes the weakest capital, and re-“restructuring” by removing(Destruction) section of its assets and swallowing (annex) the other section;It also expresses itself, in the case of chronic disruption of a varying percentage of the productive capacity of factories.
■ The closure of the factories, due to their bankruptcy, or their stopping from work as a result of his inability to achieve a rewarding percentage of profit, means that a portion of the total capital (social capital) employee in the production process has been removed, has been excluded - temporarily or permanently - - temporarily or permanently -From engaging and contributing to the productive process.
This means reducing the total amount (and therefore: reducing the total value) of the total capital employee in production.And restructuring operations, with the deletion of a department of production, as well as the state of disruption of a percentage of the productive capacity of factories, also means a reduction in the total value of the total capital actually involved in the production process.
2- ■ From another angle, the disruption of a portion of the production capacity of the capital means reducing the amount of work used in production (workers' demobilization), which in turn means reducing the surplus value that is actually produced, that is, reducing the amount of profit.Thus, the drop in the profit rate leads to a decrease in the amount of profit, in its absolute amount.
This follows, as Marx explains: “The self -expansion of working capital (i.e. the operator really) will decrease.Consequently, a capital of a certain value will give in these circumstances a profit that does not exceed the one that was previously given a capital equal to part of its value.
■ لنفترض أن رأسمالاً قيمته (س) يعطي في الظروف العادية ربحاً مقداره (ر). إن انخفاض مقدار الربح إلى (ر _ ▲ر)، يعني أن الرأسمال الذي قيمته (س) أصبح يولد ربحاً يوازي ما كان يولده – في الظروف العادية – رأسمال قيمته (س _ ▲س). وبالتالي، فإن الرأسمال (س) تنخفض في الواقع قيمته لتصبح مساوية لقيمة (س _ ▲س). وهذا يعني مزيداً من The actual reduction of the true value of working capital (أي المشغل فعلاً في الإنتاج)■
(I)
Give the capital from its distinctive feature,
With regard to value production
1- ■ The decrease in the profit rate is the result of the competitive conflict caused by the ovity of capital production, when self-expansion (accumulation) of working capital leads to encouraging investors to employ the increase in their capital (the increase in accumulation) in introducing new innovative methods and methods that increaseThe productivity of work in their facilities, and thus enables them to reduce the cost of their production below the level of the social cost, that is, to reduce the value of their goods, so that they can offer them to exchange at a lower price than its social value.
■ This pushes the other capitalists in turn, in order to maintain their share of the market, until they follow their example by entering new means that enable them to reduce the value of their goods.This leads to a specific decrease in the profit rate.This means that the additional capital that is achieved by accumulation will not be used, with rewarding profits, unless it invests in a way that can be an additional reduction in the cost (and thus: the value of) the goods it produces.In this case, the competitive conflict continues and leads to a further reduction in the profit rate.In this case, then, the low profit rate is the result of a competitive conflict between capitalists.
2- ■ In the case of absolute accumulation, the conditions that lead to this situation, that is, the conditions that lead, on the one hand, to a gradual decrease in the profit rate due to the high level of organic formation of the capital, as it leads, on the other hand, to excessiveCapital production that refrains from performing its functions due to the low profit rate, these conditions are the ones that lead to the outbreak of competitive conflict.
■ In this case, as Marx explains, we will see that: “That section of the additional capital (achieved by self -expansion and accumulation), which is located in the hands of capitalist working (ancient), will be kept unemployed, completely or partially, to prevent the value of their original capital and preventReducing the space it occupies in the production field, or perhaps it will be used - even with a temporary loss - in order to throw the burden of the need to keep the additional capital unemployed, throwing this burden on their competitors, in general.
■ As for that section of the additional capital, which is located in new hands, it will seek to occupy a space for himself at the expense of the old capital (actually worked), and he can achieve this only partly, by forcing a section of the old capital to stay unemployed.Then the old capital will be forced to abandon its positions, and to withdraw to join completely or partially to the unemployed capital.
In all cases, a portion of the old capital will remain without use, that is, it will have to give up his distinctive feature as a capital, as much as it comes to the production of value.It is the competitive conflict that will decide which part of it will be particularly affected. ”[Marx: “Capital”, Volume III/ p. 254 ■]
1994
the fourth chapter
On the national democratic revolution
an introduction
■ The National Democratic Revolution: Its missions and social powers
Motor
The strategy and tactics of the working class, in the national revolution
Democracy
Institute of Social Sciences
The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
an introduction
■ تطرح هذه الدراسة بقسميها، المدخل النظري لمسألة الثورة الوطنية Democracy، وتستحضر رسالتها التاريخية الرئيسية بكونها تطلق تطور قوى إنتاج الرأسمال الوطني، وتزيل العقبات أمام نموها وتطورها. وهي الرسالة التي لا تختلف بجوهرها عن تلك التي أنجزتها البورجوازية الأوروبية في فترة تطور وصعود الرأسمالية، وتمثلت في الثورة البورجوازية Democracy.
وإذا كانت البورجوازية الأوروبية قد أنجزت مسألة الوحدة القومية وبناء الدولة القومية من خلال ومع تصفية أشكال الإنتاج السابقة للرأسمالية، وتحرير الفلاحين، وصياغة القوانين والتشريعات المعبرة عن الواقع الجديد، والحامية له في آن، فإن الثورة الوطنية Democracy في البلدان النامية عموماً، والعربية بالتخصيص، إنما تتصدى لنفس المهمات، ولكن في سياق تاريخي آخر، تحوَّلت فيه الرأسمالية إلى إمبريالية، أي قوة هيمنة إقتصادية وسياسية وعسكرية تعترض بشتَّى الوسائل سبل إنجاز الشعوب التابعة لثوراتها الوطنية Democracy.
■ تتوقف هذه الدراسة أمام مسألة عجز البورجوزيات الوطنية المحلية في بلداننا بشكل عام، عن إنجاز مهمات هذه الثورة نتيجة ضعفها البنيوي الذي يُحوِّلها إلى شريك ضعيف، وبالنهاية إلى ملحق للرأسمال العالمي، ويدفعها إلى المساومة والشراكة مع الطبقات والشرائح الطبقية الرجعية المحلية التي تناقضت معها في البداية، وينقلها – بالمقابل - إلى مواقع الارتياب والحذر في التعاطي مع الطبقة العاملة وحركتها، ومن ثم العداء لها ولسائر الفئات الكادحة صاحبة المصلحة الحقيقية والأصلية في إنجاز كافة مهام الثورة الوطنية Democracy.
■ إن الطبقة العاملة ليست صاحبة المصلحة الأصلية وحسب، بل أنها وعلى ضوء التوازن الطبقي الجديد الذي يتولد في سياق التحولات الوطنية Democracy، وبتحالفها الديمقراطي الوطيد مع فقراء الفلاحين والفئات الوسطى وسائر الكادحين فضلاً عن أوسع قطاعات الشباب والمرأة، هي الطبقة المؤهلة موضوعياً للإضطلاع بدور قيادي نافذ في نضال عموم طبقات الشعب الوطنية لإنجاز مهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy.
■ إنطلاقاً من هذا التوازن الطبقي الجديد لصالح الطبقة العاملة، ومن أن الدور القيادي للطبقة العاملة وحلفائها للثورة الوطنية Democracy شرط حاسم من أجل انتصارها، وانطلاقاً من كون التناقض الرئيسي في هذه المرحلة هو مع الإمبريالية والصهيونية وحلفائهما من القوى الإجتماعية الرجعية، تركز الدراسة على توضيح العديد من الإلتباسات، فتؤكد على أن انتهاء الدور القيادي للبورجوازية الوطنية لا يعني إستنفاذ دورها الوطني.
Accordingly, it is emphasized that the working class plays its leadership role by unifying all the national classes in a united national front, and that this front does not contradict the necessity of maintaining the independence of the ideological, political and organizational working class, and in this context the foundations on which the alliance between the class is clarified is clarified.National worker and bourgeoisie.
■ وأخيراً، تشير الدراسة إلى مسألة الثورة الوطنية Democracy على المستوى العربي، لجهة إخفاقات البورجوازيات العربية في إنجاز مهام هذه الثورة، وارتداد بعضها إلى مواقع تجديد الإرتباط بالإمبريالية. وإذا كانت البورجوازية الوطنية قاصرة عن إنجاز هذه المهام، بينما الطبقة العاملة صاحبة مصلحة أكيدة في الثورة، ومالكة القدرة على الإضطلاع بدور قيادي ملموس، كما ثبت في عدد من بلدان «العالم الثالث»، فما الذي منع الطبقة العاملة في البلدان العربية بشكل عام، من أن تضطلع بهذا الدور؟
Is it its structural weakness, or its right or left -wing deviations in its relations with its national bourgeoisie?
هل هو عجزها عن صياغة استراتيجية بديلة للثورة الوطنية Democracy، متقاطعة مع استراتيجية البورجوازية الوطنية ومتجاوزة لها في آن، أم ضعف في القدرة على بلورة تكتيكات تحالفية وتعبوية من أجل تكتيل أوسع الجماهير الكادحة لإنجاز مهمات هذه الثورة؟
هل المعضلات التي عانتها أحزاب الطبقة العاملة العربية والأحزاب Democracy الثورية كانت لاعتبارات موضوعية فحسب، أم تعود أيضاً إلى إشكالات ذاتية في القدرة على تحليل الواقع الإقتصادي - الإجتماعي ورسم السياسات الصائبة؟
This is what you try to answer the following pages ■
Editor
الثورة الوطنية Democracy..
مهماتها وقواها الإجتماعية Motor
[■ ما هي طبيعة الثورة الوطنية Democracy وما هي مهماتها وقواها Motor؟ ومن هي القوى الإجتماعية المؤهلة لقيادة هذه الثورة حتى تحقيق أهدافها النهائية؟ ولماذا لا يمكن للطبقة العاملة أن تحقق هدفها النهائي، ألا وهو قيام الاشتراكية وإلغاء استغلال الإنسان للإنسان، بدون إنجاز مهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy، وليس بالقفز عنها؟
فيما يلي مساهمة للإجابة على هذه الأسئلة بالاستناد إلى التجربة الملموسة للثورات الوطنية Democracy، سواء منها تلك التي عرفتها البلدان الأوروبية (لا سيما الأوروبية الغربية) التي شهدت إنبثاق الرأسمالية لأول مرة وقبل غيرها، أو تلك الثورات Democracy الجديدة التي عرفتها البلدان المستعمرة والتابعة منذ مطلع ق 20.
■ إن للثورات Democracy محتوى رئيسياً ثابتاً ورسالة تاريخية واحدة من حيث الجوهر. هذه الرسالة هي: إطلاق تطور قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية الوطنية وإزالة العقبات والقيود التي تعيق نموها ونهوضها. لكن، بما أن العقبات والمعيقات التي تحول دون تطور قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية الوطنية قد اختلفت بين العصر الذي شهد الثورات الوطنية Democracy المبكرة (أي الثورات البورجوازية Democracy)، وبين الثورات الوطنية Democracy المعاصرة؛ كما اختلفت الظروف التاريخية التي تجري في إطارها هذه الثورات عالمياً وفي إطار البلدان التابعة ذاتها؛ فقد باتت الثورات الوطنية Democracy الجديدة تتصدى لمهمات إضافية ذات طبيعة مباشرة هي مهمات التحرر الوطني من التبعية للإمبريالية وتحقيق الاستقلال، ليس الاستقلال السياسي فحسب، بل أيضاً الاستقلال الاقتصادي الواسع عن السوق الرأسمالية العالمية الخاضعة للهيمنة الإمبريالية.
■ كذلك الأمر، فقد بات إنجاز المهمات الرئيسية للثورات الوطنية Democracy إنجازاً حاسماً ومتكاملاً مرهوناً بتوفير قيادة طبقية ثورية لها مصلحة ثابتة وكاملة في إنجاز هذه المهمات، قيادة تقوم على تحالف قوى إجتماعية (ما يطلق عليه أحياناً «الكتلة التاريخية»)، تضطلع من خلالها الطبقة العاملة بدور قيادي نافذ، وذلك بعكس الثورات الوطنية Democracy المبكرة في بلدان أوروبا الغربية بخاصة، أي تلك الثورات التي سبقت تحول الرأسمالية إلى إمبريالية، حيث كانت الطبقة البورجوازية هي الطبقة القائدة لمجموع الشعب.
■ ولتبيان المضمون الرئيسي للثورات الوطنية Democracy، سوف نتطرق أولاً إلى مهمات الثورات البورجوازية Democracy المبكرة، أي تلك التي عرفتها شعوب أوروبا الغربية في عهد نهوض وانطلاقة الرأسمالية، ثم نتناول الثورة الوطنية Democracy الجديدة التي مازالت تعيشها شعوبنا من حيث المهمات الجديدة والمباشرة التي باتت مطروحة عليها، والتي باتت تملي على الطبقة العاملة – موضوعياً - مهمات قيادية للثورات الوطنية Democracy، كشرط لتحقيق مهماتها الرئيسية:]
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الثورة البورجوازية Democracy، محتواها ومهماتها الأساسية
■ قلنا إن المحتوى الرئيسي والوظيفة التاريخية للثورات الوطنية Democracy المبكرة كانت تتحدد في إزالة العقبات التي كانت تعرقل تطور قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية (رأس المال + العمل المأجور) وتعيق نموها وانتشارها، فما هي هذه العقبات؟
It is feudalism, i.e. social systems based on feudal production relations that were devoted to the ownership of the feudalism on the ground and the farmer, and they rush it with binding restrictions to the ground, and extract from it the fruits of his work and grief in the form of proceeds, royalties and many obligatory prayers.
Likewise, feudal production relations restricted the development of crafts and industries due to the closed economy inherent in the UAE and feudal provinces. In European feudal kingdoms, one country was divided into dozens and perhaps hundreds of feudal units isolated from each other with borders and customs barriers imposed by the feudalists.
وكانت هذه الحواجز تعرقل من ناحية، سيولة إنتقال البضائع بين أطراف البلد الواحد، وترهق الطبقة الرأسمالية النامية بما تفرضه على انتقال بضائعها من أتاوات ورسوم جمركية، كما كانت كل إمارة إقطاعية تشكل من الناحية الأخرى، إقتصاداً طبيعياً مغلقاً مكتفياً بذاته إلى حد كبير، فالاستنزاف الإقطاعي للفلاحين كان يحد من استهلاكهم ويفرض عليهم تلبية إحتياجاتهم الأساسية بما يحافظ على معيشتهم ليس إلا، ما كان يعيق تطور التبادل البضاعي الواسع، ويعرقل بالتالي نمو Merchandise.
And most importantly, the anti -bourgeoisie, with its industrial expansion, needed free labor to be used as a procedure in factories and laboratories.But the feudal concessions were hindering the transformation of the farmer into a free paid worker to act with the power of his work, and even prevented him from freedom of movement without the feudal permission.
■ لقد نهضت الثورات البورجوازية Democracy لإزالة جميع هذه العقبات التي تعيق تطور مصالح البورجوازية الناهضة، أي تطور قوى الإنتاج الجديدة، قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية ممثلة في رأس المال وقوة العمل المأجور. لقد رفعت البورجوازية الصاعدة شعارات الحرية الفردية والمساواة أمام القانون، مستهدفة بذلك تحرير الفلاحين والحرفيين الصغار من العلاقات الإقطاعية من أجل إفساح المجال لاستخدامهم كأجراء، فبدونهم ما كان يمكن لقوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية أن تنمو وتتطور.
Individual freedom, in its bourgeois essence, is the freedom of the farmer to sell the strength of his work, that is, to turn into a wage worker, the freedom of the capitalist to rent it, and equality before the law means equality between the bourgeois and feudalism by removing the privileges of the latter.
■ هذه هي إذن المهمة الأولى من مهمات الثورة البورجوازية Democracy: تحرير الفلاحين من النير الإقطاعي. وإلى جانبها تصدت الثورات البورجوازية Democracy إلى مهمة أساسية أخرى هي التوحيد القومي للأمم الأوروبية وإزالة التجزئة الإقطاعية للبلدان الأوروبية، سعياً منها وراء خلق سوق وطنية واحدة واسعة خالية من الحواجز والقيود، تسهيلاً لانتقال البضائع وتداولها. فبدون وجود سوق وطنية رحبة لا يمكن أن يتحقق الإنتاج الرأسمالي الواسع، ولا أن تتحقق بالتالي وتيرة سريعة من التراكم لرأس المال. إن توحيد الأمة في دولة قوية مستقلة موحدة كان يشكل المجال الطبيعي الأرحب والأكثر تسهيلاً لنمو وتطور قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية النامية.
ولذلك كانت الثورة البورجوازية Democracy ترفع راية الوحدة القومية بهدف إنهاء التجزئة الإقطاعية وتوحيد الشعوب في دول قومية، أو لتحقيق الاستقلال عن الأمم الأخرى حتى تتوفر لها سوقها الوطنية الخاصة التي تحفز تطورها السريع.
■ لكن مهمات تحرير الفلاحين والتوحيد القومي للأمة (أي إزالة الحواجز الإقطاعية التي تخترق بلدانها)، لم تكن ممكنة الإنجاز بدون ثورات إجتماعية تستهدف تقويض سلطة الإقطاع كطبقة تمارس سيطرتها السياسية على باقي الشعب من خلال النظام الملكي المطلق، الذي كان يمثل طبقة النبلاء الإقطاعيين، ويحمي إمتيازاتهم، ويضفي عليها صفة النظام الطبيعي الخالد. وهكذا رفعت الثورات البورجوازية لواء إقامة سلطة الشعب وإشاعة Democracy السياسية، بهدف انتزاع السلطة السياسية من الطبقة الإقطاعية وتأمين إنتقالها للطبقة البورجوازية.
■ هذا هو المحتوى الرئيسي للثورات الوطنية Democracy المبكرة وهذه مهماتها الأساسية: إنها ثورات وطنية (أو قومية) تستهدف إلغاء التجزئة الإقطاعية وتوحيد الأمة في دولة قومية موحدة، أو انتزاع استقلالها عن الأمم الأخرى وتكوين دولتها القومية المستقلة. وهي ثورات ديمقراطية، لأنها تستهدف تحرير الفلاحين من القيود والامتيازات الاقطاعية وضمان الحريات الفردية والمساواة أمام القانون، وإرساء الأساس لانتقال السلطة السياسية من الطبقة الإقطاعية إلى الطبقة البورجوازية من خلال إلغاء الملكية المطلقة ونقل السلطة إلى الشعب الذي تقوده وتمثله البورجوازية الناهضة. إذن، تتحدد المهمات الأساسية للثورة الوطنية Democracy بما يلي: تحرير الفلاحين، توحيد الأمة في دولة قومية موحدة مستقلة، إشاعة Democracy السياسية■
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الثورة الوطنية Democracy..
Its contemporary historical circumstances and its new missions
■ إن إنجاز البلدان التي نمت فيها الرأسمالية مبكراً (وتحديداً بلدان أوروبا الغربية) إنجازاً تاماً وناجحاً لمهمات ثورتها البورجوازية Democracy قد أطلق العنان لتطور قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية لديها، وأتاح لبورجوازيتها الناهضة تحقيق وتيرة عالية من التراكم الرأسمالي الذي أدى فيما بعد، (وبفعل القوانين الموضوعية للتطور الرأسمالي)، إلى انتقالها من مرحلة المنافسة الحرة إلى مرحلة الإحتكار، ومن ثم إلى قيام الاتحادات الإحتكارية العملاقة التي أدى تصارعها على الأسواق والخامات إلى بروز ظاهرة الإمبريالية.
■ It goes without the statement that the early capitalist development of a number of these European countries has granted their borss for its preferences and historical advantages that Porjois did not give the countries in which capitalism originated late, and even to the bombers of the lower European capitalist countries growth (such as countries in central Europe, southeastern Europe and Tsarist Russia), The countries that have known early capitalist and rapid growth have managed to achieve high rates of capitalism and capital accumulation as a result of their colonial invasion of the peoples of late countries and the plundering of their natural wealth, and as a result of the activity of monopolistic companies in these countries.
■ وبالمقابل، فإن هذه المزايا التي تمتعت بها بورجوازية البلدان الأوروبية ذات النمو الرأسمالي المبكر والسريع، شكلت قيداً على تطور البلدان المتأخرة النمو، التي كان عليها لكي تحقق تطورها الاقتصادي المستقل أن تتحرر أولاً من السيطرة الإمبريالية عليها، ومن النهب الذي تمارسه الشركات الإحتكارية لثرواتها ومواردها الطبيعية. وحتى البلدان الأوروبية الرأسمالية الأدنى نمواً (مثل أوروبا الشرقية والوسطى)، فقد كان عليها لكي تنجز مهمات ثورتها Democracy البورجوازية بصورة كاملة، أن تتحرر من تبعيتها للإحتكارات ومن هيمنة رؤوس الأموال الأجنبية على الفروع الرئيسية لاقتصادها الوطني.
■ هكذا نجد أن الثورات الوطنية Democracy لشعوب آسيا وأفريقيا وأمريكا اللاتينية، التي قامت في عصر تحول الرأسمالية إلى إمبريالية، باتت ملزمة بالتصدي لمهمات جديدة إضافة إلى مهماتها الرئيسية الأخرى، وأن تسعى إلى إنجازها في ظروف تاريخية بالغة الصعوبة والتعقيد، إذ كان على شعوب القارات الثلاث أن تتصدى أولاً لمهمات إنجاز تحررها الوطني الكامل، أي الاستقلال عن النظام الرأسمالي – الإمبريالي العالمي سياسياً واقتصادياً. فبدون فك روابط التبعية للإمبريالية وبدون تقويض مواقع الإحتكارات وإنهاء هيمنتها على الفروع الرئيسية للإقتصاد الوطني، وبدون ضمان التكافؤ في العلاقة مع السوق الرأسمالية العالمية، بدون هذا كله لا يمكن تحقيق الوظيفة التاريخية للثورة الوطنية Democracy والتي تتمثل في إطلاق تطور قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالي الوطنية، وإزالة العقبات الإقتصادية – الإجتماعية التي تعرقل هذا التطور ممثلة أساساً في علاقات الإنتاج ما قبل الرأسمالية.
■ وهكذا نجد أن الظروف التاريخية المعاصرة التي تحيط بالثورات الوطنية Democracy لشعوب البلدان المستعمرة والتابعة باتت تضفي على هذه الثورات خصائص معينة تختلف عن الثورات البورجوازية Democracy الكلاسيكية.
فالثورات الوطنية Democracy في البلدان المستعمرة لم تعد تواجه عدواً واحداً هو العدو الطبقي ممثلاً في الإقطاع كطبقة مسيطرة وكنظام سياسي وكعلاقات إنتاج مكبِلة لتطور قوى الإنتاج الجديدة، وإنما باتت أيضاً تواجه عدواً آخر أكثر قوة وقدرة إقتصادية وسياسية وعسكرية هو الرأسمال الأجنبي الإحتكاري والهيمنة الإمبريالية. ولأن النهب الذي يمارسه الرأسمال الأجنبي الإحتكاري في البلدان التابعة هو العامل الرئيسي في عرقلة تطور القوى المنتجة الجديدة الناهضة، ولأنه هو الدعامة الرئيسية للطبقات الإقطاعية وسائر الطبقات المالكة الرجعية ولعلاقات الإنتاج البالية المعيقة للتطور الاقتصادي والاجتماعي، فقد باتت المهمة الرئيسية المطروحة على الثورة الوطنية Democracy في هذه البلدان هي إلغاء الهيمنة الإمبريالية، ووقف النهب الذي يمارسه رأس المال الاحتكاري الأجنبي، وإنهاء التبعية للسوق الرأسمالية العالمية التي تسيطر عليها الإحتكارات الإمبريالية.
■ Capitalism entered the colonial and affiliated countries by penetrating the imperial capital, which is exported from the countries of the Metropol (the center).Let us remember that the main feature of imperialism is the export of capital from Metropol to countries affiliated with monopolies.
ومن الطبيعي أن يؤدي تصدير رأس المال الإمبريالي هذا إلى نقل Capital production method إلى البلدان المستعمرة والتابعة، وإلى تحقيق درجة معينة من النمو الرأسمالي فيها. ولكن هذا النمو الرأسمالي لم يكن حافزاً لنهوض قوى الإنتاج المحلية بقدر ما كان يشكل قيداً على تطورها. كيف ولماذا؟
■ The imperialist activity in the colonial and dependent countries targeted it to make it a field for the employment of foreign monopolistic capital with the aim of: a) Investing and looting natural resources and raw materials.B) Control of local markets for the purpose of draining excess production of metropol industries.C) The exploitation of the cheap manpower in which the dummy and affiliated countries abound.
In the first stage of the stages of imperial penetration, the investment of foreign capital led to the colonial and followed countries was mainly directed to the sectors of extractive industries and the exploitation of natural resources for these countries to provide raw materials needed to provide regularly for monopolistic companies industries in the countries of the metropol (oil, minerals, cotton, rubber,etc..).
Thus, the pattern of capitalist production has been limited to countries affiliated with "closed islands", which are limited to the sectors and productive branches that fall within the scope of employing foreign capital and its activity.
■ On the other hand, imperialist monopolies found their interest to prevent the development of the national product of the affiliated countries in order not to constitute a competitor to it, and in order to always be able to control their control over the local market of these countries to drain their surplus production.This required preserving the backward production relations before capitalism that hinder the rise of national productive forces.
Thus we found that the pattern of capitalist production prevailing in the sectors subject to the dominance of foreign capital was adjacent to and coexisted with the patterns of production and pre -capitalist production relations, and contributes to its dedication.This constituted the material basis of the alliance between imperialism and the old royal classes in the dependent countries, whose privileges and class interests were related to the old production relations and by dedicating them to continuity and democracy.
■ The role of imperial capital was not limited to imposing a stone on the growth of national productive forces and obstructing their development. Rather, the activity of foreign capital has often led to the destruction of the foundations of the national economy of affiliated countries and the elimination of its traditional structures.The cultivation of crops intended for consumption was destroyed in favor of crops that produce export crops and raw materials, and local crafts and primitive industries have declined and by competing with goods imported from abroad.
■ The activity and penetration of foreign capital undoubtedly led to the expansion of the local market of the resident or affiliated country, but wherever he contributed to that, it was satisfied with a limited expansion of this market and is commensurate with its need for it in order to discharge the surplus production achieved in the dominant imperialist countries, and inThis is a way to work on foreign capital on an alliance with the large bourgeois bourgeoisie in the subsidiary countries and harness it as a tool to impose dominance on the local market.Thus, the first component bourgeois slices arose that worked as an agent for foreign monopolies and a commercial mediator between them and the local market.
■ Thus, the expansion of the local market was not an incentive for the growth of national capital (as was the case in the developed European countries), but on the contrary, the dominant foreign capital entered into sharp competition with local national capital, and he was able by virtue of his monopolistic feature and thanks to the features that this provides to him. The feature was able to destroy the national capital wherever it approaches the areas that constitute its main looting fields, and imposed on this national capital to be satisfied with the fields of marginal activity, and limited its activity in the main productive fields, but rather restricted its investment in the service sectors and imposed on it to be formed in a parasite direction Combradori.
Thus, the capitalist development witnessed by the colonial and subordinate countries in light of the foreign colonial domination was a limited, distorted, and noble development.In the first stage of the stages of imperialist penetration, this development was limited to the main fields of foreign capital activity in exploiting local materials and natural resources, cultivating raw materials and securing the basic services needed to ensure the flow of raw materials such as ports, railways and roads.
This undoubtedly led to the use of increasing numbers of cheap local manpower.This was the nucleus of the local working class that was formed, due to the imperialist capitalist penetration, before the formation of the national bourgeoisie and independently of its emergence.
With the exception of this limited and slow development of the local production forces and the market, the dominance of foreign capital did not lead to the development and stimulation of the growth of local capitalist production forces, but rather it was coexisted and devoted to pre -capitalist (radioactive, semi -feudal) production patterns, and allied with the old royal classes that formedAn obstacle in the face of the growth of the new production forces, and it obstructed the emergence of the national capital and united its development ■
(P)
National liberation and economic independence
هو المهمة الرئيسية الحاسمة للثورة الوطنية Democracy الجديدة
■ نستخلص مما مر أن الثورات الوطنية Democracy الجديدة باتت مطالبة ليس فقط بتحرير الفلاحين وإلغاء الملكية الإقطاعية للأرض وتوحيد الأمة في دولة قومية موحدة مستقلة وضمان انتقال السلطة السياسية من الإقطاع إلى الشعب، وإنما باتت أيضاً مطالبة بإنجاز مهمة رئيسية جديدة أصبحت هي المهمة الحاسمة التي يتوقف على إنجازها النجاح في تحقيق المهمات الوطنية Democracy الأخرى.
This is the task of national liberation, the achievement of political and economic independence, and the end of economic imperialism.The completion of this task alone is the one that enables the colonial and dependent countries to confront the removal of economic -social obstacles that are having a disgraceful development of the national capitalist production forces and achieving the rapid pace necessary from economic growth in order to eliminate inherited backwardness, correct imbalance, distortion and lack of proportionality in the internal structure of the national economy.
■ But addressing the task of national liberation and the achievement of economic and political independence of the oppressed and colonial peoples is not an easy task, especially with the rapid development of the global capitalist system and the growing influence of major monopolistic federations, and the increase in their dominance on the global capitalist market.
The experience of countries that have been liberated from ancient colonial control proves that their complete national liberation from the global imperialist -imperialist system was not achieved as soon as their political independence and transforming them into sovereign countries. Although the old colonial system has been almost completely liquidated after the Second World War, and although the emergence of the new independent national states has passed long decades of years, their political independence has not been formed by its own as a sufficient condition that guarantees a high frequency of growth and eliminating backwardness. In order to achieve this, it was necessary to end its economic dependence on the major imperialist countries, and get rid of its weak location in the global capitalist market.
■ Many of the former colonial countries that have become sovereign countries, that is, have achieved their political independence from the old colonial countries, have not yet completed their full national liberation, but still suffer from dependency on imperial countries.
Imperialism is no longer, in order to achieve its dominance over the affiliated countries, mainly depends on the old traditional means (that is, through the invasion and military oppression of the peoples of colonial countries, or the establishment of guardianship, protection and assignment systems on these countries, or through local client regulations directly linked directly and in the form He traveled in colonialism), it has been using new indirect and economic methods, ensuring tight control over the economy of countries affiliated with benefiting from the integration of these countries, and from the location of the weak party in the global capital market that is practically dominated by giant international monopolies, or the so -called multiple companies Nationalities.
It is known that in the current phase of the development of the capitalist system, that is, the capitalism system has developed the monopolistic state in the major imperialist countries, the international monopolistic federations (or monopolistic companies) are not satisfied with their national markets or their traditional markets in affiliated countries, but rather they are practicing their activity within the framework ofA unified global capital market that extends to all sides of the globe.
■ Therefore, the merger of developing countries into the global capitalist market from the site of weakness and rewards has made them economically affiliated, even though they are from the political angle that are considered independent sovereign countries.
The worsening crisis experienced by global capitalism leads to monopolies to tighten their exploitation of the capabilities of the global market, the expansion of its dominance on the global capitalist economy, and its entry into new fields that achieve renewed capabilities of profit and accumulation.
The foreign monopolistic capital invested in the affiliated and weak countries is no longer sufficient in its traditional investments in exploiting the raw and agricultural materials with the aim of obtaining the necessary materials for its industries in the imperialist countries themselves, but it has exported its capital to the countries affiliated with the aim of investing them in new fields such as establishing consumer and light industries thatDirect consumption commodities produce.
This is done by setting up local industrial branches belonging to monopolistic industrial companies, or through the local capital in establishing these light consumer industries, or by granting the concession to manufacture the products of monopolistic companies known globally to local capitalists.
■ The expansion of the fields of investing in foreign monopolies in countries affiliated to include not only the extraction and production of raw materials, but also the production of light industries prepared for direct consumption, caused by the search of monopolistic federations for new areas to employ their capital that achieve higher rates of profit, compared to the profits of employment within capitalist countriesThe advanced sophisticated tend to decrease at a certain level of investment.
By investing in the establishment of consumer industries in developing countries, monopolies managed to circumvent customs restrictions and protection forms imposed by many of these countries in the face of foreign consumer imports.Through her participation in local capital, she has become sometimes enjoying legislative privileges and facilities and tax exemptions granted to industrial projects on the pretext of supporting and encouraging them, and also benefited from the low wages of local manpower.
■ Thus, international monopolies began to enhance their dominance on the global capitalist market through its arms all over the world, and to each of the affiliated countries integrated within the framework of the global capitalist market, whether by establishing its regional branches in these countries, or by sharing the capital Local and under the banner of national capitalist companies. This also led to the strengthening of the status of the compradorian capital and the expansion of its activity, as it is no longer limited to the commercial mediation of foreign monopolies, but rather it works as an industrial mediator for the benefit of foreign monopolistic companies through the use of machines and semi -manufactured materials, or foreign experience in producing materials intended for direct consumption, Or through partnership in the capital.
■ From that, we can see that the imperialist system renews the dependency of the politically independent developing countries, but the integrated in the global capitalist market by controlling international monopolies on the production and distribution of raw materials produced by these countries, and by exporting capital to invest in the fields of light consumer industry, and deepeningIts commercial dependency, and directing its economic development a destination that deepens its dependency instead of helping it achieve its independence and economic rise.
The imperialist states also submit to providing them with the financial aid and loans necessary for development on harsh financial, political and economic conditions that make it very difficult for these countries to escape from dependency and economic backwardness and enter them in a vicious circle of the struggle to save themselves from the accumulated external debt, all of this in order for these countries to remain inThe framework of the economic dependency on the global capitalist market dominated by international monopolies.
■ We conclude from this that the task of national liberation is no longer limited to achieving the political independence of colonial and dependent countries, but rather also means achieving economic independence from the global capitalist market and ending its dependency.This requires not only to hit foreign capital and the large bourgeois bourgeoisie allied with it, but also hit the component capital and liquidating its role in subjecting the national market to plunder imperial monopolies ■
(4)
توازن طبقي جديد لقوى الثورة الوطنية Democracy:
لماذا لم تعد البورجوازية مؤهلة لقيادة الثورة الوطنية Democracy؟
[■ الظروف التاريخية الجديدة التي تجري في إطارها الثورات الوطنية Democracy المعاصرة، والتي جعلت من الإمبريالية العدو الأول لشعوب الدول التابعة، مثلما ألقت على عاتق هذه الثورات مهمات نضالية جديدة ذات أولوية حاسمة هي التحرر الوطني، وتحقيق الاستقلال الاقتصادي الأوسع عن السوق الرأسمالية العالمية والنظام الإمبريالي العالمي، فقد أحدثت تبدلاً جوهرياً في نسبة القوى الطبقية الداخلية لقوى الثورة الوطنية Democracy الجديدة، أبرز معالمه هو انتقال الدور القيادي من البورجوازية إلى تحالف طبقي جديد، تلعب فيه الطبقة العاملة وسائر الكادحين دوراً قيادياً نافذاً.
■ فبينما كانت طبقات الشعب في البلدان التي نمت فيها الرأسمالية لأول مرة تنخرط في النضال الثوري ضد الإقطاع تحت قيادة الطبقة البورجوازية الفتية الناهضة، وبينما كانت البورجوازية قادرة على توحيد الفلاحين والحرفيين والعمال تحت قيادتها في النضال من أجل إنجاز مهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy، وكانت مؤهلة لإنجاز هذه المهمات إنجازاً كاملاً جذرياً بحكم انسجام وتطابق هذه المهمات مع مصالحها الخاصة، وبذلك كانت هذه الثورات تؤدي وظيفتها الجوهرية: أي إزالة العقبات والحواجز التي كانت تعترض نمو قوى الإنتاج الرأسمالية، إلا أن الظروف الجديدة التي أحاطت بالثورات الوطنية Democracy الجديدة (أي تحول الرأسمالية إلى إمبريالية، والهيمنة المتعاظمة للاحتكارات الدولية على السوق الرأسمالية العالمية)، هذه الظروف أدت إلى نشوء تناسب قوى جديد داخل حركات الشعوب الوطنية التحررية، وإلى بروز تبدل جوهري في خصائص الطبقة البورجوازية بات يجردها من دورها القيادي التقليدي بسبب عجزها عن النهوض بمهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy بمثابرة وحزم حتى النهاية، وذلك للأسباب التالية:]
1- The activity of foreign capital and monopolies in affiliated countries hinders the development of the national bourgeoisie and achieves a faster pace of growth for the working class. The capital production pattern has been planted in the dependent countries and its positions have evolved under the influence of the initiative and activity of foreign monopolistic capital in the main degree, not under the influence of capital growththe local.
■ This has left its impact on the social -class formation of the peoples of colonial and dependent countries, as the working class, not the national bourgeoisie is the main force among the national capitalist production forces.
We have previously made it clear that investing in the monopolistic foreign capital in the dependent countries necessitated the growth of a local working class used in its projects and in the areas that was active to exploit, which led to a gradual expansion of the size of the local working class.While it was obstructing and detention of the national bourgeois growth, working to limit it, and even destroy it if it entered the main fields of its investment and looting.Therefore, the working class was established and grows at a relatively faster and more coherent pace compared to the national bourgeoisie.
■ Likewise, the direction of the local capital in the activity countries within the framework of the relationship of dependency and the component partnership with the foreign monopolistic financial head has had a tangible impact on the relative acceleration of the working class, especially wherever it worked as a partner and an industrial mediator for foreign monopolies by establishing industrial branches of these monopolies.On the other hand, this compradorian capitalist activity necessarily weakened the national bourgeois sites, and to limit its activities to the small production sectors and marginal and supplementary fields in the national economy.
[■ You must distinguish between two slices of the bourgeois bourgeoisie: the comprazing bourgeoisie (the component capital) that is linked to foreign imperial monopolies and works as an agent belonging to it, and the national bourgeoisie (the owner of the national capital) that has a relative independence from imperialism and invests its capital in fields and productive activities other thanIt is subject to complete dominance of foreign monopolies.
إن البورجوازية الكومبرادورية، هي جزء من الحلف الطبقي الكابح، المعطل لإنجاز مهام الثورة الوطنية Democracy. أما البورجوازية الوطنية فهي – على عكس الكومبرادور - جزء من معسكر الثورة الوطنية Democracy، حيث أن نجاح هذه الثورة في تحقيق رسالتها التاريخية يزيل العقبات التي تعرقل وتحجز تطور البورجوازية الوطنية.]
■ The unequal competition between foreign capital and local national capital was pushing the latter to relieve investment in the fields that put it in the positions of collision and crowding with foreign capital, and to search for fields that do not fall within the framework of the interest of foreign monopolies; The local capitalist activity began to refrain from long -term investment and in productive fields, and instead he went towards investing in the most profitable and faster fields returned and the most guaranteed, especially foreign trade (import and export), speculation and contracting, and so the local capital began to gain more and more parasitic features And Kombradori, and this in turn led to a gradual reducing of the economic sites of the national bourgeoisie and its social influence.
2- The national bourgeois hostility of imperialism is a relative hostility, and it has no interest in complete independence from the global capitalist market
■ Even in the affiliated countries in which the national bourgeoisie managed to occupy important sites in some sectors of the national economy by relying on their own initiative and their independent activity from foreign capital, this did not qualify it in the current historical conditions of independence in full independence from international monopolies and to take a firm policy against imperialism.By virtue of its close ties to the global capitalist market, and their dependence on them to provide machines, spare parts, raw materials and artistic experience, it cannot pursue the full independence policy on this market, nor for international monopolies dominating them.
■ The national bourgeoisie has an interest in achieving political independence and in removing foreign capital from its main positions in the national economy so that it can grow in its natural field (its national market), but it is keen to maintain close links between them and the global capital market, as thatIts private class interest dictates to refrain from adopting the policy of complete independence from the global capitalist market and the global imperialist system.
For all of this, the national bourgeoisie pursues a middle approach in the political level in the conflict between the hard -working classes and the reactionary imperial alliance. Her hostility to imperialism, by virtue of its own interests and its completely independent formation of the global capitalist market, is a relative hostility. It tends to pursue a compromise approach with imperialism, on the one hand, to improve its positions in the conflict with imperialism, and on the other hand, aimed at reaching deals that achieve its goals without leading to a complete break between them and imperialism. Therefore, its position is characterized by moderation, fluctuation, and the inability to adopt a fixed hostility policy of imperialism.
3- الموقع الوسطي للبورجوازية الوطنية وخشيتها من صعود سلطة الشعب يمنعانها من إنجاز مهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy إنجازاً جذرياً
■ ليست البورجوازية الوطنية في البلدان النامية عاجزة فحسب عن تحقيق التحرر الوطني الكامل وانتزاع الاستقلال الاقتصادي، وفك التبعية للإمبريالية وللسوق الرأسمالي العالمي، وإنما أيضاً هي عاجزة عن إنجاز باقي مهمات الثورة الوطنية إنجازاً حازماً متكاملاً، فهي إذا اضطلعت بدور قيادي في الثورة، فإنها لا تستطيع أن تصل بها إلى تحقيق إنتقال السلطة من أيدي الطبقات المالكة القديمة (كبار الملاكين العقاريين شبه الإقطاعيين، والبورجوازية الكومبرادورية، وباقي الفئات الرجعية) إلى أيدي الشعب، وتحقيق Democracy السياسية.
■ كانت البورجوازية الأوروبية تنهض بهذه المهمة حتى النهاية في الثورات البورجوازية Democracy المبكرة بحكم انسجامها مع مصالحها الطبقية. فقد كانت البورجوازية هي القيادة الطبقية للتحالف الشعبي دون منازع بحكم كونها الممثل الطبيعي للنظام الاجتماعي الناهض الجديد (النظام الرأسمالي)، لذلك، فإن انتقال السلطة إلى الشعب كان يعني انتقالها إلى البورجوازية، ولكن هذا ليس وضع بورجوازيات البلدان النامية التي تأخذ موقعاً وسطياً بين الطبقات المالكة القديمة وباقي طبقات الشعب الكادحة.
■ إن البورجوازية الوطنية الضعيفة في البلدان النامية تخشى من تحطيم السلطة القديمة وتحقيق Democracy السياسية: أولاً- بسبب روابطها الوثيقة بالشرائح المالكة والبورجوازية الكومبرادورية وكبار الملاك. وثانياً- وهذا هو الأهم، بسبب خوفها من انتقال السلطة إلى الشعب حيث الثقل الاجتماعي البارز للطبقة العاملة وحلفائها الكادحين.
Therefore, the national bourgeoisie often does not hesitate to use the mass boiling and popular moves in order to bargain with the rooted classes - in order to improve its own class sites, then hold a deal with it that cuts the way to the development of the revolution towards the full seizure of power, and liquidating the sites of reactionary classes and their privileges,Final liquidation.
■ من هنا، لم يعد للبورجوازية الوطنية برنامجها الديمقراطي المتكامل والجذري، فهي تعارض تحقيق إصلاح زراعي جذري يحرر الفلاحين ويمنحهم الأرض، وتكتفي بتحديد سقف أعلى للملكية مع منح تعويض نسبي لكبار الملاك الزراعيين، وتترك لهم منافذ واسعة للتحايل على القانون واستعادة ملكياتهم بوسائل غير مباشرة، واستئناف «استعبادهم» للفلاحين. كذلك تُحجم البورجوازية الوطنية عن إطلاق حريات الجماهير Democracy والسياسية، وتحتفظ أحياناً بالقوانين والأنظمة الرجعية لكي تُستخدم في وجه الطبقة العاملة وحركتها النقابية وطليعتها السياسية، بل وتستخدم أحياناً أخرى وسائل دكتاتورية وتعتمد أساليب سلطوية، من أجل الإبقاء على هيمنتها السياسية.
■ لجميع هذه الأسباب، فإن الطبيعة الطبقية للبورجوازية الوطنية في البلدان النامية ولمواقفها الوسطية حيال مهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy، فإنها لم تعد تمتلك الشروط اللازمة لقيادة الثورة الوطنية Democracy حتى نهاياتها الحاسمة. فهي تكتفي باتخاذ خطوات محدودة على صعيد هذه المهمة أو تلك، وتقنن إنجاز هذه الخطوات بما يتفق مع مصالحها الطبقية الضيقة، وبما لا يفتح الباب أمام تطور الثورة تطوراً يهدد هيمنتها السياسية والطبقية■
Working class strategy and tactics
في الثورة الوطنية Democracy
■ عالجنا فيما سبق مسألة الثورة الوطنية Democracy من حيث طبيعتها ومهماتها وقواها Motor من الزاوية النظرية العامة. وخلصنا إلى استنتاج مركزي مفاده أن الظروف التاريخية الجديدة التي تجري في إطارها الثورات الوطنية Democracy المعاصرة أحدثت تبدلاً جوهرياً في نسبة القوى الطبقية الداخلية لقوى الثورة الوطنية Democracy الجديدة، أبرز معالمه هو توفر شروط إنتقال الدور القيادي إلى تحالف قوى إجتماعية تضطلع فيه الطبقة العاملة بدور قيادي نافذ.
If the national bourgeoisie contributed to the liberation of the production forces through its clash with the feudalism and the component forces, and entered into sharp competition with foreign capital and monopolies in its countries, then this competition was unequal, and was practically limited to the concentration of national capital in the areas of small production and marginal and supplementary industries inThe national economy, while foreign capital maintained its hegemony over the main branches of the economy.
While the general capitalist growth led to the development and expansion of the working class, the national bourgeoisie remained due to the overwhelming control of foreign capital, captive to the non -major sectors in the economy, and entered a weak partner for this monopolistic capital, or a mediator for him by creating supplementary branches of its industries.As a result of this dependent economic situation, the bourgeois hostility of the imperialism had to be a relatively hostility, as this bourgeoisie was not, due to its structure, a final interest in the full independence of the global capitalist market, and the ability to do so, originally.
■ ينتج عن ذلك عجز هذه البورجوازيات الوطنية، ليس عن تحقيق الاستقلال الاقتصادي والسياسي الناجز فحسب، بل أيضاً عجزها عن التصفية الجذرية لمصالح ومواقع الطبقات القديمة في مجتمعاتها. وأكثر من ذلك، فهي تجد نفسها في نهاية المطاف مضطرة للحفاظ على روابطها بالطبقات القديمة بفعل خوفها من الطبقة العاملة وحلفائها ونفوذها المتنامي في صفوف الجماهير. ويتضح بالتالي أن لا قدرة للبورجوازية الوطنية على دفع مهام الثورة الوطنية Democracy حتى نهاياتها.
■ أما الطبقة العاملة، فبالإضافة لكونها الأسرع نمواً والأكثر تماسكاً في تطورها بالمقارنة مع البورجوازية الوطنية، فهي صاحبة مصلحة أكيدة وثابتة في إنجاز مهام الثورة الوطنية Democracy إنجازاً كاملاً، وبالتالي في تصفية نفوذ بقايا الطبقات القديمة والكومبرادور، وتصفية رؤوس الأموال الأجنبية؛ كما أنها صاحبة مصلحة أكيدة في إشاعة Democracy في المجتمع، وإقامة نظام سياسي يكفل الحريات العامة، وبما يضمن تعبئة شاملة لكافة القوى الكادحة.
■ إن الطبقة العاملة تمتلك مصلحة ثابتة في إنجاز أهداف الثورة الوطنية Democracy، وتحقيق مضمونها الإجتماعي. وتلك المصلحة تشاركها فيها طبقات وشرائح طبقية أخرى تشكل موضوعياً جزءاً من التحالف الديمقراطي لقوى إجتماعية نافذة. إن الأفق التاريخي المفتوح لتطور الطبقة العاملة، وثقتها العميقة بالجماهير الشعبية وقدرتها على تعبئتها وإطلاق مبادراتها على أسس ديمقراطية وثورية حازمة، هي الخصائص التي تؤهلها موضوعياً لتجاوز نهج التردد والتذبذب البورجوازي، والتصدي على رأس تحالف ديمقراطي للإضطلاع بدور قيادي في الثورة الوطنية Democracy، وتوفير مستلزمات انتصارها الحاسم.
■ إن هذه الan introduction النظرية التي تجد تجلياتها الملموسة في العديد من بلدان «العالم الثالث»، وجدت كذلك تعبيراتها الدقيقة في عالمنا العربي، في سلسلة التراجعات التي عرفتها العديد من أنظمة البورجوازية الوطنية، والتي وصلت إلى حد إعادة ربط بلدانها بشكل أو بآخر بالرأسمال العالمي، والوقوع المتجدد في شباك الهيمنة الاستعمارية.
■ هل يعني هذا أن الثورة العربية، في مرحلتها الراهنة، قد فقدت سمتها الوطنية Democracy، وأن التحالف مع البورجوازية الوطنية لم يعد ضرورياً، وأصبح مطلوباً فكه والاستغناء عنه؟ الجواب هو كلا. إن سمات أية مرحلة ثورية يحددها المضمون الإجتماعي لمهماتها التاريخية وطبيعة التناقض الرئيسي الذي تسعى إلى حله. والطبقة العاملة، في هذه المرحلة من التطور الإجتماعي - الإقتصادي، لا تسعى إلى تحقيق هدفها التاريخي في تغيير الطابع القانوني للملكية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج لصالح ملكية المجتمع، ما يعني إضفاء الصفة الإجتماعية على وسائل الإنتاج بدلاً من ملكيتها الخاصة، وبما يقود إلى إلغاء علاقات الإنتاج الرأسمالي، ويرسي المقدمات السياسية والمادية الضرورية لتدشين مرحلة إنتقال تاريخية تضطلع الطبقة العاملة خلالها بدور قيادي في المجتمع على أساس من Democracy والتعددية من أجل بناء الإشتراكية وإلغاء إستغلال الإنسان للإنسان بكافة أشكاله.
■ إن هذا الهدف التاريخي يستحيل تحقيقه – كما أسلفنا، ومن ضمن أمور أخرى - إلا بتوفير القاعدة المادية – التكنولوجية الضرورية من خلال تنمية قوى الإنتاج المحلية. وتلك هي الوظيفة التاريخية التي تؤديها الثورة الوطنية Democracy ومضمونها الإجتماعي. إن الطبقة العاملة تسعى في هذه المرحلة التاريخية إلى إنجاز جذري ومتكامل لمهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy بتحقيق التحرر الوطني، وتعزيز الاستقلال السياسي والاقتصادي، وتصفية النفوذ الإمبريالي، وضرب مصالح الطبقات الرجعية (كبار الملاك، البورجوازية الطفيلية والكومبرادورية)، وإطلاق الحريات Democracy للجماهير، والنهوض بمهمات التنمية والتصنيع، وإنجاز إصلاح زراعي جذري، والنضال من أجل دعم وبناء علاقات وحدوية بين الأقطار العربية (أو بأقله لعدد منها) على أساس من Democracy والتكافؤ والإختيار الشعبي الطوعي الحر.
■ The main contradiction in this historical stage is the contradiction with Zionism and imperialism and its allies of local reactionary classes.On the other side of the contradiction, the whole people stand, including the national bourgeoisie.
ولذلك، فإن الطبقة العاملة، في نضالها من أجل حل هذا التناقض وإنجاز المهمات الوطنية Democracy، تنتهج سياسة ثابتة في السعي إلى توحيد الشعب كله، بكافة طبقاته الوطنية. وهذ يعني العمل الدؤوب من أجل تحالف طبقي وطني عريض يوحد العمال والفلاحين وجماهير Categories (Small bourgeois) والبورجوازية الوطنية في إطار جبهة وطنية متحدة، تتصدى للعدو الإمبريالي – الصهيوني – الرجعي، وتنهض بمهام التحرر الوطني وDemocracy والتنمية والتقدم الاجتماعي والوحدة القومية.
The necessities of mobilizing the widest national energies to combat and defeat the main enemy dictate to the working class tireless work to attract the national bourgeoisie to the circle of this alliance, and to mobilize the mass pressure on it with the aim of paralyzing its fluctuation, and pushing it to the broader in the national democratic struggle.
■ من هنا تنبثق سياسة الطبقة العاملة في بناء الجبهة الوطنية المتحدة. إن الطبقة العاملة تمارس دورها الطليعي في الثورة الوطنية Democracy، من خلال إضطلاعها بدور قيادي في الجهة الوطنية. إن سلطة الجبهة الوطنية هي القادرة على استكمال إنجاز مهمات الأجندة الوطنية Democracy، وعلى تعبئة طاقات الشعب كله لمجابهة ودحر الاستفزازات العدوانية الإمبريالية والصهيونية ومؤامرات العصيان الرجعي، وإلحاق الهزيمة المؤكدة بها.
وينبغي أن تقوم هذه الجبهة على أساس صيانة الاستقلال الأيديولوجي والسياسي والتنظيمي لكل طرف من أطرافها، وضمان الحقوق المتكافئة لجميع الأطراف في ممارسة كافة أشكال النشاط والتنظيم السياسي والأيديولوجي والدعاوي في جميع الميادين بحرية لا تحدها سوى المصلحة الحقيقية للثورة الوطنية Democracy، وتأمين حق الأطراف في تبادل النقد الرفاقي في سياق النضال المشترك ضد العدو الرئيسي الإمبريالي – الصهيوني - الرجعي، والاتفاق الطوعي على برنامج عمل للنهوض المشترك بمهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy حتى انتصارها الكامل.
إن قيام الجبهة الوطنية المتحدة على هذه الأسس Democracy الواضحة، يلبي مصالح كافة الطبقات الوطنية، ويوطد وحدتها، ويبعد تحالفها عن نزعات الهيمنة والاستئثار والتفرد، التي سرعان ما تقود إلى الاحتراب وتقويض مرتكزات الوحدة الوطنية.
■ إن التدهور اليميني للبورجوازيات الحاكمة، وصولاً ببعض فصائلها إلى الرِدة، ومخاطر نهج التردد والمساومة الذي تسلكه القيادات البورجوازية الوطنية، أصبح يملي على الطبقة العاملة، موضوعياً، ضرورة الاضطلاع بالدور القيادي المطلوب في إطار حركة التحرر الوطني العربية، وعلى عاتق أحزاب الطبقة العاملة والفصائل اليسارية وDemocracy الثورية يقع واجب الاستجابة لهذه الضرورة التاريخية التي أصبحت تتطلبها بإلحاح مصلحة نهوض وتقدم حركة التحرر الوطني العربية، وقدرتها على مجابهة وصد الهجمة المعادية.
إن النضال من أجل توطيد مواقع الطبقة العاملة والفصائل اليسارية وDemocracy الثورية في الصفوف القيادية لحركة التحرر الوطني، هو مهمة أساسية واستراتيجية تشكل إحدى أهم ضمانات اضطراد تقدم المسيرة الوطنية Democracy.
■ This strategic trend dictates the working class and the left parties in general to develop a correct tactical policy towards the current dilemmas of the development of the national liberation movement, and the formulation of a sound tangible position on the urgent tasks that this development offers in light of the balance of the current forces.
Among the most prominent of these dilemmas comes the issue of the position on the alliance with the national bourgeoisie that stands at the positions of leadership or power.The rejection of the right -wing and left -wing orthodox deviations in this important issue is a maximum necessity in order to crystallize a revolutionary, revolutionary policy that strengthens the mass influence of the working class, and helps in enabling them to perform its advanced role.
■ This policy should take into account two main directed factors without overlapping one of them over the other: The first is: the necessity of mobilizing a broader national alliance to resolve the main contradiction with the imperial -Zionist -reactionary enemy;The second is: the necessity of maintaining the independence of the working class, and opening the path of struggle for a firm class leadership of the National Liberation Movement.
إن سياسة الطبقة العاملة إزاء القيادات أو الأنظمة البورجوازية الوطنية هي سياسة التحالف مع النقد، وصولاً إلى المواجهة، إذا ما اقتضى الأمر: التحالف في النضال ضد الإمبريالية والصهيونية والرجعية، والنقد والمواجهة لمظاهر نهج التردد والمساومة، النقد الذي يمارس من منطلق الحرص على مصالح الحركة الوطنية بمجموعها، بما فيها النظام الوطني نفسه، ومن زاوية تعزيز قدرتها على التصدي لهجمة الحلف المعادي والنهوض بالمهمات الوطنية وDemocracy.
■ إنها سياسة تقوم على الأركان الخمسة التالية: 1- دعم ومساندة كافة التدابير المناهضة للإمبريالية والرجعية، التي تنسجم مع مهمات الثورة الوطنية، Democracy، وتستجيب لها. 2- نقد الثغرات التي تتضمنها هذه التدابير، وفضح نهج التردد والمساومة البورجوازية، والمعارضة الحازمة للتراجعات والتحولات اليمينية. 3- الحرص الشديد على صيانة الاستقلال الأيديولوجي والسياسي والتنظيمي لحزب الطبقة العاملة وأحزاب اليسار عموماً. 4- السعي إلى تحالف وطني يقوم على قاعدة التكافؤ والمساواة في الحقوق. 5- إطلاق الحريات Democracy للجماهير.
■ The working class within the framework of its close democratic alliance with the poor farmers, middle groups and other hard -working people, as well as the widest sectors of youth and women, support and support with the enthusiasm of all measures that the national bourgeois authority provides to liquidate imperial influence, and the promotion of political and economic independence of the country, and in this context it is:
1- تنتقد الطبيعة المحدودة لهذه الإجراءات، وتدعو إلى تطويرها باتجاه قطع الصلات بالإمبريالية وسوقها العالمية، والتصفية الجذرية الكاملة لمصالحها. وتساند الطبقة العاملة وتدعم بحماس كافة التدابير الموجهة ضد مصالح كبار الملاك والرأسمالية التجارية والكومبرادورية، وهي تنتقد الثغرات التي تتضمنها هذه التدابير وتقدم الحلول الملموسة لتجاوزها، وتدعو إلى استكمال هذه الإجراءات بالتأميم الكامل لرؤوس الأموال الأجنبية والكومبرادورية، وتأميم التجارة الخارجية وسيطرة الدولة على تجارة الجملة الداخلية، وتعميق الإصلاح الزراعي باتجاه تنفيذ مبدأ «الأرض لمن يحرثها»، وتشجيع الاتجاه نحو التعاون الزراعي الإنتاجي، وإقامة مزارع الدولة، وتمكين الفلاحين من ال Democracy الواسعة في تنفيذ هذه التدابير.
2- The working class strongly supports the state sector in its progressive role, and exposes and opposes the right-wing bourgeois bourgeois attacks aimed at questioning its wall and effectiveness, and calls for expanding its scope and strengthening its leadership role in the national economy, subjecting it to labor administration and wide popular control, in a way that ensures the development of its efficiency, the transgression of its gaps, and the endowmentPeruvian and parasitic bourgeois looting of its resources.The working class is struggling to fill the masses to resist all right -wing retreats and transformations in defense of these progressive gains and protect them.
3- The working class supports the external anti-imperialism policies, criticizes all the inclinations of bargaining and trends with reactionary, and calls for a more assertive policy in its hostility to imperialism, a policy based on the unity of the Arab national ranks, and mobilize all energies and put them in the national battle to defeat the Israeli aggression, and resist surrender solutionsThe liberation of the occupied Arab lands, and the support of the struggle of the Palestinian people in order to return, self -determination and national independence.
4- تقاوم الطبقة العاملة بحزم نهج إحتكار السلطة والتفرد بها، وتناضل من أجل إطلاق الحريات Democracy للجماهير الشعبية على أوسع نطاق، وتعمل على تعبئتها وتنظيمها وتسليحها للدفاع عن الثورة والوطن. إن الحل الاستراتيجي الذي تطرحه الطبقة العاملة لكافة معضلات التحرر الوطني الديمقراطي هو إقامة سلطة الشعب، سلطة الجبهة الوطنية Democracy القائمة على أساس ضمان الاستقلال الأيديولوجي والسياسي والتنظيمي لكافة أطرافها، والتكافؤ والمساواة في الحقوق بين هذه الأطراف، وتأمين الحقوق والحريات Democracy للجماهير الشعبية. ولا تخفي الطبقة العاملة أنها تناضل، بالأساليب Democracy ومن خلال قناعة الأغلبية الشعبية، للنهوض بدور القيادة الطبقية لهذه الجبهة، ضماناً لفعاليتها، وتعزيزاً لتلاحمها، وتعميقاً لنهجها الحازم في استكمال مهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy.
5- إن الطبقة العاملة تساند الطبقة البورجوازية الوطنية بقدر ما تنخرط هذه في النضال الملموس ضد الإمبريالية والرجعية والصهيونية، وتنتقدها بقدر ما تبدي تردداً في هذا النضال وميلاً للمساومة مع العدو، وتعارضها بحزم بقدر ما تحاول التطاول على الحقوق Democracy للجماهير الشعبية وعلى استقلال حركة الطبقة العاملة.
The working class in the framework of the Democratic Alliance and with it continues to move towards its strategic goal without neglecting the direct tasks of mobilizing the masses in order to maintain the existing national and progressive gains, and defend them against the retroactive and right conspiracy, and in order to paralyze the bourgeois bourgeoisie, obstructing its retrospective and harmonious trends, and maintaining it part ofThe broad broadcasting national alliance of imperialism, Zionism and reactionary.
■ Promoting the cohesion of the national liberation movement and consolidating the unity of its factions within the framework of a broad Arab national front hostile to imperialism, Zionism and Israeli aggression, an anti -surrendering front, which takes the reactionary Arab right -wing axis, is the main task that it requires with the current level of confrontation with the imperial alliance -Zionist - reactionary.
■ إن برنامج المواجهة العربية القومية الحازمة للمخطط الإمبريالي – الصهيوني، برنامج ضرب وتصفية المصالح الإمبريالية، وتوطيد وحدة وتماسك الصف العربي على أسس تضمن حشد الطاقات العربية وزجّها في المعركة القومية ضد الإمبريالية والعدوان الإسرائيلي، والتعبئة Democracy الواسعة المنظمة للجماهير الشعبية، ودعم الثورة الفلسطينية وضمان حقها في تمثيل الشعب الفلسطيني، ورفض ومقاومة كافة الحلول الاستسلامية والإصرار على تحرير كامل الأراضي العربية المحتلة بعدوان 67، دون قيد أو شرط، واستعادة حق الشعب الفلسطيني في العودة وتقرير المصير، وإقامة دولته الوطنية المستقلة.
■ This program should be the basis for the meeting and the unity of all the right national forces that are truly loyal to the issue of national liberation and the issue of the struggle against the Israeli enemy, and to unite its efforts within the framework of the desired Arab National Front to repel the imperialist attack, defeat the Israeli aggression, and to follow up on the path of national democratic liberation and unityNationalism.
■ The establishment of this front requires all these forces to set aside any narrow interests, secondary considerations or side differences, and to focus its attention on the main danger, the danger of the imperial attack that has become clear that it does not accept bargaining and truce, and that it aims to fully liquidate all national gains and sites, Or forcing it to bow and join the surrender approach.
■ Every national rejects this miserable fate, the task of the struggle for this front on the basis of a program that really meets the necessary minimum requirements for the serious confrontation requirements of this imperial -Israeli -reactionary danger, and on democratic organizational foundations that ensure the involvement of all the national forces that agree On this program, regardless of its intellectual and political trends, it also included building relations between its parties on the basis of comrades and mutual respect, and avoiding the tendencies of domination, exclusivity and narrow partisan nervousness, so that secondary differences are set aside, and the focus is on the common struggle against the main enemy with a true democratic spirit ■
1985
Chapter V
In the party theory ..
Founding concepts
■ In the organizational issue
■ The party's role in the revolutionary process
■ About the oneness of the working class party and its sectology
■ المركزية Democracy..
Its class content and struggle necessity
Institute of Social Sciences
The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
In the organizational issue
(1)
The location of the organizational issue in the political process
■ الجانب الرئيسي In the organizational issue تطبيقي، عملي، له علاقة بالتجربة المعاشة، بالممارسة الحسية.. لكن هذا لا يعني أنه ليس ثمة من أساس نظري تقوم عليه المسألة التنظيمية، فهذا الأساس قائم لا ريب، وله محدداته الواضحة، إنما طبيعة المسألة التي نحن بصددها تفرد حيّزاً واسعاً للتصورات المحكومة بالممارسة، والعمل وسط الناس، وفي قلب الحركة الجماهيرية بمختلف قطاعاتها.
But when we talk about practice, what is exactly what is meant by this practice, whose political nature is not hidden regardless of the levels of its manifestation, in the national, or demanding national struggle, or for public, or political freedoms ..
Hence the saying that the regulatory issue is visible to it from the point of view of researching the tool carrying the program and its role in the mass movement is a political issue with distinction because it is defined by that episode that allows the transfer of the program from the perception to the application space, and from here its location in the political process presented from the point of view of practical practice.
■ ما سنتناوله فيما يلي هو: المسألة التنظيمية من منظور تجربة الجبهة Democracy التي لا تنطبق بالتأكيد على تجربة حزب آخر، أو حزب آخر في بلد آخر، أو حتى على تجربة الجبهة Democracy نفسها في مرحلة تاريخية سابقة باعتبار أن التجربة موضع البحثقد طوت عقود من مسار نضالي إتسم بدرجة عالية من الحراك ومن الإنجازات، وكذلك من الإرتدادات والخسائر..
However, the privacy of the experiment does not eliminate the reality of theoretical premises that it relied on, nor should it obscure a number of major extracts that may be of use of what, and for those who exceed the circle of its direct applications ■
(a)
Organization .. the form of mediation between theory and practice
■ On theoretical basis, the organization (the party) is the form of mediation between theory and practice, between the program and its applications, between the goal and work in order to reach it.
What is meant by the theory is the political and social program for which the organization (the party) is struggled and not the curriculum (or - sometimes - the intellectual doctrine) that is adopted for the sake of the program here, the belonging to the party and the regularity in its ranks is based on the program, on its hand and its medium, by spendingConsider the methodological, ideological, or ideological background on which this program is based.
The program, as is known, is not a dozen of demands, nor a package of goals but rather a road map, with broad but concrete lines, diagnoses the contradictions that control the political process and the destination of its solution and the social forces carrying the alternative, for the process of change, for the revolution, for reform, etc. ..A board for alliances that unite the broadest forces in order to reach the goal, or the specified goals.
The program defines the analytical framework of the existing reality of the act and influencing it based on a tangible diagnosis of its contradictions, as it defines the distant, medium and near -range goals, and the forces involved in the existing political / social conflict process, the location of these forces and their impact and the relationships that organize them, etc. ..
The relationship between the program and the public is not direct, as the program bears - usually - the frameworks of the organization (unions, unions, parties ...), and therefore there mustIt seeks these goals.
With regard to the parties in particular, the vitality of the organizational form and its compatibility with the political and social goals of the party is the effectiveness of this organizational form that is largely decided, the party's ability to interfere and influence the course of events ■
(P)
Forms of struggle and forms of organization,
Two sides of the same topic
■ The relationship between the political and the organizational is a place, so the organization has a strategy that it adopts and it carries its program and embodies its public plan, and the organization also has its tactical that expresses the specific transitional steps that it provides and accumulates it accomplishes the tasks of the stage that allows the transfer to the next within the approved strategy.
وبشكل ملموس فالتكتيك يبحث بأمرين مترابطين: Forms of struggle and forms of organization, أي بأشكال النضال التي يفرضها الظرف وبأشكال التنظيم التي تحمل أشكال النضال هذه. وكما أن رافعة التكتيك هي أشكال النضال المعتمدة، باعتبارها الأساس؛ كذلك فإن أشكال التنظيم هي رافعة أشكال النضال، وبالمحصلة فإن أشكال النضال (التكتيك) وأشكال التنظيم (التنظيم) هما Two sides of the same topic.
As for the forms of struggle, they are necessarily political content as they aim to meet some, or some of what the program proposes, which makes the tactic a framework that together includes both political and organizational aspects in a dialectical unit in the course of practice and struggle.
The political power of the organization is caused by its organizational strength, that is, its ability to transfer its directions to the widest sectors to adopt, and go under its flags ... and the political force caused by the correctness of the vision and the validity of the trends dissipated if there is a weakness in the organizational link.The organizational dimension represents the self -dimension of development and in the current conflict.
The forms of the organization adopted by the organization are subject to the nature of the stage and the tasks presented from the class / social site from which the party starts.The organization's awareness of itself and its role should be consistent with the party's vision of the objective reality in which it seeks to influence ■
(4)
The organizational issue is at the heart of the party's strategy
■ The organizational issue is at the heart of the party's strategy, which is an integral part and its intellectual and class identity.The party's interest in strengthening its organization by strengthening its role in various areas of national, democratic and social struggle is an expression of the party's awareness of the self -role in order to resolve the contradictions that are in practice in the direction that meets the interests of the vast majority of people, i.e. within a national and progressive destination.
■ The neglect of the organizational issue, that is, the self -role in the struggle through the conscious and effective organizational tool, expresses a recession to the automatic objective development of the conflict, and reflects an inevitable tendency; While interest in the organizational issue expresses a serious and awareness of the location, role and influence of the organizational process in interfering to resolve the contradictions in society (in the political, democratic and social struggle), or the (national) contradiction with the occupied usurping enemy ... to resolve the contradictions, then, in the right destination that does not depend on What is called historical inevitability, which - however - has not been proven until the moment the facts of life; The objective path of the conflict indicates an public destination that involves daily options, which of any of them leads to developments that may or not in the direction of progress and advancement, but also, it can also be poured into the destination of delay and retreat, if not the response at times.
Interest in the organization highlights the option of awareness in influencing the course of events;While the degree of interest in the organization leads to weakening the ability to influence the course of events ■
(Kh)
The monotheistic role of the party
■ The organization plays an influential role in the unification of the sector, or the class to which it is directed mainly. The division of society into layers on the base of the site from possessing the means of production or capital, is a theoretical model, scientifically correct, but it is not in practice and practically sufficient. The class map in all societies, especially in the countries of the third world, where overlap and adjacent between more than one form and pattern of production and patterns of production generate class liquidity and social interventions that do not allow speech - for example - about an automatic homogeneous working class in terms of vast convergence of the interests of all The segments that are formed from them, but it is necessary to introduce the migrant awareness factor from outside the class and the self -role of the organization, and the avant -garde organization, in order to unify the class in various, or most of its segments behind a work program and struggle goals that meet its fundamental interests within the next destination on us in the historical sense of the word.
In this sense, the Viperist party unites large sectors of the class, politically.
In this sense, also, the union unites large sectors of the working class, aspiring.
The youth unions unify the destination of work among the youth sectors in a way that meets their interests and responds to their tendencies, etc. As for the Palestinian people in particular, who suffers as it is known from dispersal, disperse and distribution to a large number of countries, where almost half of it lives outside the country.The half -residing on the homeland is distributed among two different political entities (the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority), and the authority is divided into turn between the authority existing in the West Bank under the occupation, and another in the sector under the siege.
■ We say, but for the Palestinian people who do not fall within an economy and production course that results in a unified meeting, where its various gatherings are subject to distinct and uniform social and economic conditions, and in many cases it is incompatible .. The organizational issue has played an extremely important role in rebuilding and forming identity.Palestinian patriotism, in preserving and preserving it.
This was what happened through the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization, which has evolved towards the embodiment of the Palestinian entity and the national identity through the position it gained as a legal and only representative of the Palestinian people .. which was achieved through the entire organizations, factions, formations, unions, unions, etc. that was formed in the framework of M.. PF, which the PLO ■
(I)
Organization .. the form of mediation between the past, the present and the future
■ Besides, it constitutes the link between the theory and the practice between the program and the masses, the organization also plays a median role between the past and the present, on the one hand, and between the future, on the other hand.The organization stores an experience and has experience and awareness that puts it at the disposal of the coming tasks, which is the memory that the rooms are made from a certain way to illuminate the path of progress towards dealing with the future data, and solve its dilemmas.
This role is not being played except by providing certain conditions, foremost of which is the ability of the organization (the party) to derive lessons and catch the summary of the experiment, and to convert it sufficiently from the flexibility to reduce the restrictions that prevent progress towards the prospects of the future of the future ■
(H)
Foundations of the organizational issue
■ المسألة التنظيمية في الجبهة Democracy والتجربة التي إجتازتها على امتداد العقود الماضية تقوم على عدد من الأسس، أهمها:
1–■ إعتماد المركزية Democracy كمبدأ أساس للتنظيم أي للعلاقات التنظيمية في إطاره، وللمركزية Democracy جانب يتصل بالعلاقات الداخلية، ونَظْم هذه العلاقات على قاعدة تضمن وحدة التنظيم، ووحدة حركته، وإتساق تكتيكاته وتكاملها، كما أن لها جانب آخر يتصل بالعلاقة مع الحركة الجماهيرية والجماهير عموماً، وهي علاقة مركزية ديمقراطية بالضرورة، باعتبار أن جدوى سياسة التنظيم تتحدد في ضوء علاقته، موقعه، تأثيره وسط الجمهور.
2- ■ The ambition to combine the avant -garde and the mass adjective of the organization.There is no meaning to the avant -garde adjective in the true political sense unless it is reflected in the level of strengthening the public nature of the party, there is no void without masses, nor vanguard without this characteristic except and turned into a feature of a closed elitist framework, isolated from its popular depth, then from its ability to act and influence.
3- ■ In line with the above, the party organization cannot play its struggle in the ranks of the people, unless it is organized around it and the party's friendly audience is framed through mass organizations and democratic professional communities that embody, politically and practically, the revolutionary democratic coalition, and in the direct sense of the word, which is assumedThat the party play a leadership role in dealing with this coalition within national, democratic and social tasks that are directly related to the interests, concerns, aspirations and aspirations of each sector separately, and within an integrated framework that enhances the unity of the classes of the people and its various social categories in the stage of national liberation.
Also, the partisan organization cannot play the leadership of the leadership unless it is directed as a party and as a democratic framework organized to the mass movement through its unions, unions and various institutions, for the action positive
(Z)
Democracy هي الأصل في سلامة الأوضاع الحزبية الداخلية
■ المركزية Democracy كناظم للعلاقات الداخلية ومع الجماهير، الطليعية بما هي صفة وسمة وموقع كفاحي يتم السعي والتقدم نحو إمتلاك عناصرها بشكل متجدد ووثيق الصلة بجماهيرية الحزب من خلال بناء الأطر الجماهيرية الصديقة للحزب تعبيراً عن تعزيز مكانة الائتلاف الديمقراطي الثوري في الحركة الوطنية والجماهيرية المنظمة الأوسع.. هذه هي الأسس التي حكمت ووجهت المسألة التنظيمية في الجبهة Democracy..
ويبقى الأصل في الموضوع هو سلامة الأوضاع الحزبية الداخلية، وروحها الضامنة هي Democracy والمزيد من Democracy التي تعزز العروة الوثقى التي توحد جهد آلاف المناضلين في عالم كفاحي شديد الإنفتاح على الخارج.
■ ويُخطيء من يعتقد أن الحزب هو نموذج لعالم مصغر للمجتمع المنشود، مجتمع الحرية وDemocracy والعدالة الإجتماعية، مجتمع المواطنين المتساوين في الحقوق والواجبات وأمام القانون، والمساواة بين المرأة والرجل.. فلا توجد صيغة تنظيمية بعينها تماري المجتمع، ولا توجد جزيرة مثالية وسط المجتمع تشكل نموذجاً يُحتذى به، فعلاقات المجتمع، علاقات السياسة الكلية أكثر تعقيداً وغنى من أن تختزل بنموذج مُصَغَّر – كالحزب إفتراضاً - يكفي أن يُصار إلى تكبيره حتى تُحل تناقضات هذا المجتمع.
From this angle, the organization is a tool of struggle and a workforce, a collective action that seeks to possess an advanced awareness that allows the lighting of the road that leads to national liberation, social ethics, freedom and pluralism, and the society of truth, law and complete citizenship on the basis of equality and freedom of conscience.
■ The party is a means of a goal, and not a test formula for a typical community to be followed in the course of the struggle towards the finest.From this angle, the organizational issue sacrifices a joint issue always raised on the agenda of the revolutionary forces specifically from the point of view of renewing its possession of the media and action tools capable of national and societal change, and unifying society in its various classes and the country in all its categories.
In this sense, the revolutionary forces always bear and never renew their possession of a concept of a role that falls under the sign of a great question about its feasibility and benefit, and therefore the justification of its existence on the scale of providing qualitative contribution, theoretically and practically, which promotes performance, i.e. at the level of policy practice ■
2005
The party's role in the revolutionary process
[■ The characteristics of the vanguard party, how and the foundations of its construction and its leadership role in the ranks of the working class, the mass movement, and social forces in general are determined in the interest in change, based on a scientific concept of how to develop the revolutionary process in society, and this concept of development and revolutionary change is the essence of historical materialism.To highlight the truth of the role of the avant -garde party and its relationship to the fans of class and revolutionary social forces, the main laws that stand behind the revolutionary change of society should be reminded:
The revolutionary process is the outcome of the objective contradiction in material interests between the social forces and the main classes that make up each society.
Each class or social power has its specific material interests, and these interests contradict certain and varying degrees with the interests of classes and other social forces.Because of this, the social conflict falls between forces and classes, as each of them seeks to secure their material interests through this conflict.
In the context of this conflict and contradiction and the social conflicts that lead to the revolutionary change in societies, which elevates society and makes history ■]
(1)
The revolutionary process
■ The revolutionary process هي عملية موضوعية تعبر عن حاجة موضوعية للتطور التاريخي. إن التناقض والصراع في المجتمع تحكمه قوانين موضوعية تنعكس من خلال نشاط البشر. ومع أن البشر هم الذي يصنعون التاريخ وكل التحولات الثورية في المجتمع، لكنهم لا يصنعوها بناء على أهوائهم وإنما بناءً على عدد من القوانين الموضوعية التي تفعل فعلها من خلال وعي البشر ونشاطهم وعملهم وممارستهم الإجتماعية.
The desire for the existence of a society that prevails in justice began to be established in humans, especially among the persecuted classes since the primitive communities are dissolved and the class division began.Since then, the movements, philosophies and beliefs that express the desire of the persecuted classes to liberate and achieve the society of justice, but this desire did not find their way to implementation, because objective laws did not allow the establishment of a society in which exploitation negates.
■ The objective laws of the development of capitalist societies, for example, are caused by the degree of development of production forces in them, and thus the conflict between human groups to acquire the surplus value.As we indicated, objective laws do their actions regardless of human desires, but not in the form of the laws of nature, that is, in isolation from human activity, but rather through human activity itself according to the degree of development of society, not according to the category of human desires.
■ We should note here that the laws related to the development of society and human history are objective laws, but we must distinguish between objective social laws, that is, related to society, and the objective laws related to nature;The latter are completely independent scientific laws in their performance and their effect on the will of human beings, and therefore we say that natural laws are inevitable, meaning if the elements of the law and its conditions are fulfilled by the process stipulated in the law;The laws of physics, chemistry and mathematics (i.e. the so -called solid sciences) are inevitable laws, that is, they are repeated whenever their conditions are held.
The laws of nature are inevitable laws, while social laws are objective laws because they do not work in isolation from human activity and its struggle within the framework of social practice, but rather find their way to translation and reality through human activity, and thus through human consciousness.In other words, social laws are objective laws that express an objective need, not an inevitable necessity.In order for society to develop, such and such must be achieved, but the achievement of such and such depends on human activity and awareness.
■ إذن، القوانين الاجتماعية تعبر عن ضرورة وحاجة تاريخية وليس عن حتمية تاريخية. والتناقض الموضوعي في المصالح بين المجموعات البشرية (Social classes) يؤدي إلى وضع تحكمه القوانين الموضوعية التي تعبر عن الضرورة التاريخية للتحول الإجتماعي، ولكن لا تعكس بالضرورة حتميته. ولهذا تنعقد شروط الضرورة التاريخية عندما تقترن بعاملي الوعي والتنظيم، حيث يصبح التحول الثوري عملية راهنة. ولكن غياب هذين العاملين بشكل رئيسي، يمكن أن يُدخل التاريخ في التكرار والتراجع ويُدخل المجتمع في مأزق المراوحة الناجمة عن تأخر العوامل الذاتية عن الانسجام مع الضرورات الموضوعية، والإستجابة لمتطلباتها■
(a)
In the face of inevitability and radio
[ يتعارض هذا المفهوم للتطور التاريخي للمجتمع وThe revolutionary process المعتملة فيه مع إتجاهين خاطئين في فهم كيفية حصول التغيير الثوري، هما: الحتمية التاريخية والإرادية الذاتية. وهذان الإتجاهان الخاطئان يؤديان إلى نتائج إنتهازية وخاطئة في فهم The party's role in the revolutionary process:]
1-■ إتجاه الحتمية التاريخية (أو الحتموية): وهو إتجاه يهمل القوانين الذاتية المتعلقة بعاملي الوعي والتنظيم، ويعتبر أن قوانين التطور التاريخي هي قوانين حتمية، وليست فقط موضوعية، بمعنى أنها شبيهة بالقوانين التي تحكم حركة الطبيعة وتطورها. هذا المفهوم يقود إلى إتجاهات في العمل التنظيمي والنضالي نسميها بالاتجاهات الاصلاحية العفوية (أو الإصلاحوية)، أي التي تقلل من عوامل الوعي والتنظيم في الحركة الجماهيرية وتعتمد على التطور التاريخي العفوي (الحركة العفوية) لإنجاز تقدم The revolutionary process.
■ الإتجاه الإرادي الذاتي (أو الإرادوي) في The revolutionary process: وهو إتجاه يهمل أهمية القوانين الموضوعية التي تحكم الإجتماع، والتطور المجتمعي عموماً، حيث يضع إرادة الطليعة الثورية كعامل أساس في تطوير وضع The revolutionary process. وهذا الاتجاه يقود إلى ممارسة تنظيمية ونضالية نسميها الإنتهازية اليسارية والمغامِرة والتي تتخذ أشكالاً متعددة منها الفوضوية والارهابية والنزعة الإنقلابية. ويجد هذا الإتجاه جذوره في نظرة إرادية ذاتية (إرادوية) تهمل حقيقة كون The revolutionary process هي حصيلة تناقضات موضوعية تجري وفقاً لقوانين موضوعية، ويركز بالمقابل على الإرادة الذاتية والوعي الذاتي باعتبارهما العنصر الحاسم في The revolutionary process.
■ هذان الإتجاهان يتناقضان مع المفهوم العلمي للعملية الثورية الذي يؤكد أن The revolutionary process هي عملية موضوعية لأنها حصيلة التناقض الموضوعي للمصالح المادية بين القوى الإجتماعية والطبقات. ويقود هذا التناقض إلى نشوء The revolutionary process ويجعل منها ضرورة تاريخية، وهذه الضرورة لا تتحول إلى استحقاق راهن بالمعنى التاريخي، إلا إذا إقترنت بالعامل الذاتي، أي بالوعي والتنظيم للطبقات الثورية.
2- On the basis of this concept, objective laws do their actions through the spontaneous movement of the masses, as the masses are pushed to work by virtue of their touch of their direct interests that contradict the interests of the prevailing classes.The worker, for example, does not need a crystallized political awareness, but rather to merely a first "union" awareness until the work begins to demand increased wages and reduce working hours.And all this struggle is an expression of the contradiction between the capital, and the paid work that produces surplus value.
■ إن اندفاع العمال العفوي للنضال من أجل مصالحهم المباشرة هو قاعدة التناقض، ثم الصراع الذي يدور في المجتمع بين الطبقتين الأساسيتين: العمال من جهة، والبورجوازية من جهة أخرى، وهو تعبير عن قانون موضوعي هو قانون الصراع بينهما على من يستحوذ على فائض القيمة، أو ما هي حصة كل طرف فيهما من هذا الفائض. وكما أشرنا، يفعل هذا القانون فعله من خلال الحركة العفوية للجماهير بحكم تلمسها لمصالحها المادية المباشرة والمتناقضة مع مصالح الطبقات السائدة. وبإمكان هذه العفوية أن تحقق تطورات، أو تحولات جزئية، أو محدودة في المجتمع، لكنها لا تستطيع أن تحقق تغييراً ثورياً، ومع ذلك تبقى هي أساس وقاعدة The revolutionary process، غير أنها لا تتحول إلى عملية ثورية إلا عندما تقترن بعوامل الوعي والتنظيم، وهي التي يُدخلها الحزب إلى الطبقة العاملة وسائر الفئات الإجتماعية الكادحة كحصيلة لتطور نضالها المباشر، واقترانه بالعامل الذاتي.
3-■ في مقابل هذه الأفكار اليسارية المغامرة تقف الأفكار الإنتهازية اليمينية التي تركز على الجوانب المتعلق بالقوانين الموضوعية، وتهمل دور الحزب في إدخال الوعي والتنظيم لصفوف الحركة الجماهيرية والجماهير عموماً. وهي تأخذ بمقولة أن الحزب لا يصنع الثورة، لكنها تهمل دور الحزب في قيادة الثورة، وتتبع بالتالي سياسة إصلاحية تقصر دور الحزب على مواكبة نضال الجماهير للحصول على عدد من الإصلاحات، وتهمل ضرورة تطوير نضال الجماهير، أي تضع الحزب في ذيل الحركة الجماهيرية مهملة ضرورة ربط العملية العفوية بعملية الإرتقاء بوعي الجماهير ومستوى تنظيمها، ما يفترض بدوره إضطلاع الحزب بدور مبادر في an introduction الحركة الجماهيرية■
(P)
In the face of opportunism in its face
1-■ ليست وظيفة الحزب أن يصنع The revolutionary process، إنما وظيفته أن يشارك بقيادتها وبطموح تعاظم دوره وتأثيره في هذه القيادة، الحزب هو التعبير عن عوامل الوعي والتنظيم، ومهمته أن يُدخل هذين العاملين إلى الفئات الإجتماعية النازعة إلى التغيير الثوري. إنه ينظم من أبناء الطبقة العاملة بمختلف شرائحها، ومن سائر الفئات والشرائح الإجتماعية، وهو الذي يُكسب الطبقة الثورية أي الطبقة العاملة (وحلفائها) الوعي بمصالحها النهائية في إنجاز التغيير الثوري.
الحزب لا يصنع The revolutionary process، بل تصنعها الطبقة الثورية، والشرائح الإجتماعية الكادحة والمضطهَدة، وجماهير الفئات الوسطى. دور الحزب هو قيادتها وتطوير نضالها العفوي إلى نضال ثوري منظم لإنجاز عملية التطوير، أو التغيير الثوري. فالأساس المادي الذي تقوم عليه The revolutionary process هو نضال الجماهير نفسها، نضال الطبقة الثورية والجماهير الكادحة، ويأتي الحزب ليكسب هذه الجماهير عاملي الوعي والتنظيم حتى تتحول من تعبير عفوي للقوانين الموضوعية للتطور التاريخي إلى حقيقة تتجسد في الواقع.
2-■ لمزيد من التوضيح لهذه الأفكار علينا أن نقارنها بالأفكار الخاطئة التي تنشأ في صفوف الحركة الثورية بشأن The party's role in the revolutionary process؛ وهي أفكار ذات صبغة يسارية إنتهازية مغامرة تعتبر – مثلاً - أن الحزب هو الذي يصنع الثورة، وتركز على مدى الإستعداد الذاتي للحزب للقيام بThe revolutionary process، وتسعى لإنجازها من خلال الطاقة الذاتية للحزب بديلاً عن تنظيم الجماهير وقيادتها، أي ترهن The revolutionary process بمدى إستعداد الحزب نفسه.
وتعتبر هذه الإتجاهات أن الحزب يجب أن يقوم بالثورة نيابة عن الجماهير، وليس على رأس حركة الجماهير من أجل مصالحها المباشرة، فتقع في مختلف أشكال الأفكار الإنقلابية والإرهابية والفوضوية، والتي جوهرها الإعتقاد أن الحزب هو الذي يقوم بالثورة نيابة عن الجماهير، ولذلك ترى هذه الإتجاهات أنه عندما يكون الحزب جاهزاً للقيام بThe revolutionary process فستكون The revolutionary process حتمية.
وهذا يشمل الإتجاه الإنقلابي (عندما يقوم الحزب بعملية إنقلابية بمعزل عن الجماهير)، أو الإتجاه الإرهابي (عندما يقوم الحزب بسلسلة من الأعمال الإرهابية الكبيرة لإنضاج التغيير الثوري بمعزل عن الجماهير)، أو الفوضوي (الذي يريد أن يختصر The revolutionary process بضربة واحدة؛ أي إلغاء كل المراحل…) على اعتبار أن الحزب هو الذي يصنع الثورة مهملاً نضال الجماهير والقوانين الموضوعية لتطور The revolutionary process والحركة الجماهيرية.
3-■ في مقابل هذه الأفكار اليسارية الإنتهازية المغامرة تقف الأفكار الإنتهازية اليمينية التي تركز على الجانب المتعلق بالقوانين الموضوعية، وتهمل دور الحزب في إدخال عاملي الوعي والتنظيم إلى صفوف الحركة الجماهيرية والجماهير عموماً. وهي تأخذ بمقولة أن الحزب لا يصنع الثورة، لكنها تهمل دور الحزب في لعب دور مهم، وأحياناً حاسم في قيادة الثورة، وتتبع بالتالي سياسة إصلاحية تقصر دور الحزب على مواكبة نضال الجماهير العفوية للحصول على عدد من الإصلاحات، وتهمل ضرورة تطوير نضال الجماهير، أي تضع الحزب في ذيل الحركة الجماهيرية، مهملة ضرورة ربط العملية العفوية بعملية الإرتقاء بوعي الجماهير ومستوى تنظيمها، ما يفترض بدوره إضطلاع الحزب بدور مبادر في an introduction الحركة الجماهيرية■
(4)
The party's role in the revolutionary process
[■ إن كلا هذين الإتجاهين يحيد عن المفهوم الصحيح الذي يقول إن الحزب يضطلع بدور قيادي في The revolutionary process التي تصنعها جماهير الطبقات الثورية، وذلك من خلال إدخال عاملي الوعي والتنظيم إليها. وحتى يستطيع الحزب أن يقوم بهذا الدور، عليه أن يؤدي الوظائف الرئيسية التالية:]
أولاً-■ تشخيص التناقض الموضوعي بين الطبقات الثورية وبين الطبقات الرجعية المناهضة للثورة وصياغة برنامج نضال على قاعدة هذا التشخيص؛ فالثورة هي حصيلة التناقض بين الطبقات الثورية وبين الطبقات المعادية للثورة؛ وحتى يستطيع أي حزب ثوري أن يقوم بدوره القيادي في The revolutionary process عليه أن يشخص تشخيصاً صحيحاً التناقض الرئيسي ما بين هذه القوى والطبقات.
On the basis of this diagnosis, the party holds its struggle program. The party's program does not come from abstract awareness, but rather is the result of a scientific diagnosis of contradictions. This requires answering questions of a pattern of what is the main contradiction that governs the ongoing conflict? What is the nature of contradictions? What is the conflict between the emerging layers on the one hand, and the reactionary on the other hand. On the basis of the diagnosis of these contradictions, the party builds its program, because the program is an expression of the interests of the revolutionary classes, and the initial diagnosis of the contradictions does not necessarily be the final diagnosis, as this diagnosis may change - with this or that amount - between the revolutionary forces and the anti -conflict forces. The party also introduces changes to its program in light of its renewed experience and the development of the conflict between the two parties.
Second-■ Full implantation in the movement of spontaneous militant masses for their direct interests and persuading the masses to raise their struggle preparation to achieve these interests: In this field, the spontaneous masses of their interests pushed them in a spontaneous way to the struggle for these interests. An example of the labor struggle: The workers are aware of their suffering, the necessity of obtaining higher wages and fewer hours of work, as well as improving the conditions surrounding the work .. This struggle is based on the struggle of the working class to obtain a part of the surplus value on which the bourgeoisie seizes. The role of the party, and the case, is determined by the support of the demands and the support of the owners of these struggles that aim to this goal.
■ Some extremist trends underestimate the party's involvement in the movement of spontaneous masses, as it is a purely demanding movement that does not present to the achievement of political goals, given that only the demands for which the struggle should be of a political nature, that is, from a nature that falls in the context of deep change in society.But these trends ignore that this struggle cannot be achieved by the party's will alone and without the development of the fans.It is the party's involvement in the struggle that crystallizes the fortified demands that the masses can obtain without bounces.
In this context, the party must sing its program with the demands of the masses, and realize with it the concrete forms of the exploitation it is exposed to.The party learns from the masses as it directs its movement, enriches its program with the mass demands and its experience, and benefits it by developing its struggle for these demands, and raises its awareness of the tangible process of the process of linking direct interests, and between the general goals through the party with the struggle and its leadership role.
■ All of this enables the party to formulate its struggle slogans capable of mobilizing the masses for their interests.This function contradicts the elite trends that consider that the party's function is limited to the education of the masses, as the party's program turns into a set of public slogans isolated from the interest of the masses, which leads to the isolation of this elite from the masses.
The isolationism of this elite tendency leads to the transcendence of the masses, and the refusal of learning from them, while the party's slogans are greater than that of the masses and learning from the masses, through the daily struggle, as well as through the daily perception of the concrete formsOf the mass gatherings, and each of its sectors.
Third- Organizing the spontaneous movement of the masses: The masses when they move to the struggle are often unorganized, and slowly touching the need to unify their energies to confront their exploiters and obtain their demands.And when the masses move to the stage of regularity, their spontaneous characteristic recedes.The party’s task is determined in its contribution to the transfer of the spontaneous movement to a consistent movement by introducing the element of organization to it.The party, through its involvement in the struggle of the masses for its direct interests, is seeking to persuade the masses of the necessity of uniting their ranks in order to be able to extract their demands from the fangs of their rapists.
The party's function is to spread awareness among the masses of the necessity of organization, and that the working class and other toiling groups cannot achieve their interests without their involvement in appropriate forms of organization against its exploiters.In this context, the party must define the appropriate organizational forms at each stage of the struggle, and for each of the social segments in a manner commensurate with its awareness of its awareness and its struggle.
رابعاً-■ الحفاظ على وحدة الحزب الفكرية والسياسية والتنظيمية في مختلف مراحل النضال: إن وحدة الحزب الفكرية والسياسية والتنظيمية هي أحد الشروط الهامة والضرورية التي تمكنه من قيادة The revolutionary process نحو الإنتصار. وهذا أمر طبيعي إذ لا تستطيع الطبقة العاملة أن تمارس دورها في The revolutionary process بدون وحدة صفوفها. وكذلك لا يستطيع الحزب أن يضطلع بدوره المنشود ما لم يكن موحداً بالإرادة والعمل وكذلك الفكر، فالتنظيم بلا وحدة فكرية وسياسية بين مناضليه أشبه بحشد يرغب في التحرك على الطريق، ولكنه لا يعرف إلى أين ينبغي أن يذهب، ولماذا.
■ بيد أن الوحدة الفكرية وحدها لا تكفي حتى يضطلع الحزب الطليعي بدوره في The revolutionary process. إذ لا يستطيع حزب الطبقة العاملة وعموم الكادحين أن يتطور بنجاح ويؤدي دوره القيادي في جميع مراحل النضال إلا إذا تم تدعيم الوحدة الفكرية والسياسية بوحدة تنظيمية، أي إلا إذا كانت حياة الحزب منظمة جيداً وقائمة على معايير وقواعد راسخة لجميع هيئات الحزب ووحداته القاعدية وفي ظل سيادة الإنضباط الحزبي القائم على القناعة وترسيخ Democracy والعلاقات الناجمة عنها في صفوف التنظيم.
■ This is the proper concept of the revolutionary process, and it is clear in this context that the party's leadership of the revolutionary operation requires the party to know the laws of the development of societies and diagnose objective contradictions in the ranks of society accurately, complete implantation in the movement of the organized masses, raise the level of its struggle preparations to extract its rights, and follow a correct policyRealistic and revolutionary, this is in addition to preserving its intellectual, political and organizational unity in all stages of struggle.
When the party walks on these foundations, standards and rules, it will undoubtedly be able to improve its leadership in the national process until its end, and achieve victory ■
1978
About the oneness of the working class party, and its sequence
[■ It is time to reconsider the saying of the Working Party of the Working Party in terms of abandoning it.Leaving this statement does not contradict the theory of the Vanguard Party, as we will explain in the subsequent context, but rather is completely consistent with the essence of this theory and its revolutionary democratic content and excludes the possibility of its exploitation to justify authoritarian practices that shadow the curtain of the "vanguard role of the party", but it contradicts the essence with the characteristic of the true vanguard.The saying of "the oneness of the proletariat" is already derived from a naive simplification of the Marxist saying about the internal homogeneity of the proletariat, which is a material base for its cohesion, unity and harmony of its final interests:]
(1)
Internal homogeneity of the proletariat
It is integrated in the context of historical development
First - This Marxist issue talks about the homogeneity of the proletariat caused by its internal harmony regarding its relationship with the means of production, since all its segments are deprived of ownership of the means of production and forced to sell its workforce for a fee under the capitalist system, and that it is as a class that can only possess the means of production collectively, and fromHere, the unity of its final interest emerges in liberation from the exploitation associated with the private property system, and in transforming the means of production into collective ownership of society.
Second- But this homogeneity in the relationship of the class to the means of production, which determines the unity of its final interest, is not excluded and cannot exclude contrast and disparity, which is actually existing, between its segments with regard to the degree of concentration, and thus the degree of rooting the advantages of discipline and the collective spirit emanating from the work division pattern inGreat production institutions, or with regard to the level of skill and technical rehabilitation, and therefore the level of income and social lifestyle;This disparity necessarily creates a difference, and perhaps contradictory, in short -term direct interests, between its various segments.
Third - Marx talks about the tendency of capitalist development to reduce this disparity between the working class segments and the gradual approach to the creation of homogeneity between them not only in its relationship with the means of production, but also with regard to the degree of concentration, the level of skill, rehabilitation and level of income, but he talks about this mile as a trend that doesHe did it gradually and in the long term, and in the final analysis leads to more internal homogeneity of the class, but only in the final analysis, and in the long run, and not in its current current in fact ■
(a)
Intellectual, political and organizational pluralism
Inside the working class movement
■ Simplification of this Marxist issue and turning it into an abstract idea that says with the absolute internal homogeneity of the proletariat, in all fields and in all circumstances and stages of development, it reduces it in fact into a single side, non -dialectical, which is inspired by the serious process of the development of the class and its dissolution of its actual reality. The existing reality, in all societies, according to its different systems and degrees of development until now, indicates that the working class, despite its homogeneity as a class - regarding its relationship with the means of production - is still divided into different segments that vary in its advantages and in the level of its income and lifestyle, and thus vary in its direct interests and in its awareness of its awareness And her awareness of its final benefit. This necessarily constitutes a material basis for the multiplicity of its parties.
■ The heritage and traditions of the revolutionary trend in the global labor movement continue to recognize this fact until the early thirties of the twentieth century. The saying of the “oneness of the proletariat” did not begin - and until then a fetal way yet - except in the year 1922 when it took the third international, due to considerations related to the exceptional situation of the global communist movement in that particular circumstance, a decision to recognize one Communist Party in each country with the aim of urging the Communists divided into Some countries are to unify their ranks. However, this temporary exceptional consideration gradually turned into an absolute principle that has been woven to justify an integrated ideological saying. This reflects the strategic interests of the Soviet bureaucracy in strengthening its domination of the global communist movement, reflecting the reality of the working class and its struggle needs.
■ لقد حان الوقت للتخلص من هذا الإرث الثقيل الذي برهنت التجربة أنه، في المدى البعيد، لا يقود إلى الوحدة الفعلية النضالية لحركة الطبقة العاملة، بل يقود إلى الإنقسام والتشرذم والإحتراب بين أحزابها وإتجاهاتها. وهذا يعني الإعتراف بإمكانية التعددية الفكرية والتنظيمية Inside the working class movement، تعبيراً عن واقعها الفعلي الراهن في كل بلد، والإحترام المتبادل بين أحزابها لهذا الحق في التعدد والتمايز الفكري والتنظيمي، مع السعي الدائب نحو مزيد من الوحدة النضالية أولاً، وأيضاً نحو الوحدة التنظيمية عندما تتوفر شروطها.
■ Acknowledging the right of pluralism does not mean encouraging division, but rather is the democratic, dialectical path, and the only, to achieve a solid unit in the end.It is similar to recognition of the principle of the right to self -determination that requires the working class parties to respect the right of nationalities to separate and form independent countries, but it does not need to encourage these nationalities to exercise this right, or to actual separation in all circumstances and cases.
■ The mutual respect between the parties of the working class of their right to multiplicity, in the intellectual and organizational distinction, provides the appropriate climate for the establishment of normal relations between them, on the basis of mutual comrade criticism and freedom of ideological conflict, and thus provides the atmosphere that allows the creation of effective forms to enhance the militant unity between them.These forms can take a frontal formula, such as the United Labor Front formula - for example - with various degrees of unity between its parties, as it can develop - in principle - on the path of integration in a unified mass party, if the conditions and the appropriate programmatic rule are met.
(P)
The party's forefront is not a fixed given,
Rather, it is acquired and renewed with the daily struggle
■ إن الإعتراف بإمكانية، وبحق، التعددية الحزبية Inside the working class movement لا يعني التخلي عن نظرية الحزب الطليعي وسماته ومبادئه التنظيمية: المركزية Democracy. إنه يعني فقط الإعتراف بحق جماهير الطبقة العاملة نفسها بأن تقرر بنفسها، وبإرادتها الحرة من هو حزبها الطليعي حقاً.
The theory of the Vanguard Party has proven its usefulness and necessity to build a coherent struggle organization that constitutes an indispensable tool for the working class in the stage of its struggle for the sake of its leadership role and defending it, but it is natural that the principles of this theory, and the concept of the avant -garde party, are acquired.The class, the development of the working class, as well as the development of the party itself.It is also necessary to adhere to the democratic concept, and reject the forced -comprehensive (authoritarian) concept, for the party's features and avant -garde:
First - How can the statement of recognition of the multiplicity of the working class parties with the concept of the avant -garde party?
A) The concept of the avant -garde party expresses the characteristics of the vanguard faction of the layer, and it does not necessarily reflect the characteristics of the whole layer.It reflects the advantages of the advanced segment of the proletariat, the segment in which the extreme process of the development of the whole layer, which is characterized by an integrated awareness of the final interests of the class and its historical mission, is also characterized by the advantages of discipline, collective spirit and internal homogeneity, those advantages imposed by social development and spreadGreat production on the sum of the layer, but it gradually imposes it and in the end, it is gradually imposing it from its most advanced faction.
B) Therefore, this faction is the most aware of the historical message of the class, and the most able to link its direct interests and its final interest, the most homogeneous in its internal composition, and the most worthy of its leadership in various fields and forms of its struggle as it is the tool of mediation between the theory of the working class and practice.But this does not make it its only faction, which replaces it in all areas of its struggle and all forms of political expression of its social existence.It is her pioneering party, not necessarily her only party.
Second - What do we mean in the democratic concept, not comprehensive, for the vanguard party's feature?
A) This concept emanates from the fact that the avant -garde characteristic of the party is not a fixed, ready and final that crystallizes once and then devotes itself automatically forever.The working class, like all living social phenomena, changes with the development of society, and also changes with the development of its struggle to change society.The relationships between their segments and their components necessarily turn into the course of this change.This is certainly reflected in the structure and characteristics of its parties.Consequently, what is worthy of the embodiment of the avant -garde feature today may not necessarily be worthy of this tomorrow.
B) The experiment shows that there is no, and there can be no ready and fixed theoretical standards according to which this party or that party can be judged by its merit on the avant -garde site, because the avant -garde merit is not a matter of abstract theory first, and to that who will judge this issue?
إن الجهة الوحيدة القادرة على أن تحكم هي جماهير الطبقة العاملة نفسها، بإرادتها Democracy الحرة التي تحدد من هو الحزب الجدير بقيادتها في كل مرحلة من مراحل نضالها وتطورها. والرقابة Democracy التي تمارسها جماهير الطبقة العاملة هي وحدها التي تشكل ضماناً وحافزاً للحزب الطليعي كي يحافظ على سماته الطليعية ويكافح ظواهر البقرطة داخل صفوفه.
ثالثاً– أ) إذا سَلَّمنا أن السمة الطليعية للحزب ليست معطى ثابتاً ونهائياً ودائماً، فإن هذا يعني أن تلك السمة الطليعية بحاجة إلى نضال دؤوب من أجل اكتسابها، وإلى نضال أكثر دأباً من أجل الحفاظعليها. وهو نضال أيديولوجي وكفاحي في آن، يجري داخل الحزب نفسه، وفي علاقته مع جماهير الطبقة ومنظماتها وأحزابها الأخرى كذلك. فالسمة الطليعية لا تتوفر بالتبني النظري المجرد لرسالة الطبقة التاريخية فحسب، أو بالإدراك الواعي لمصالحها النهائية، أو بصحة Political program الذي يربط بين مصالحها المباشرة وأهدافها بعيدة الأمد، كما أنه لا يقتصر على التبني النظري لمباديء التنظيم المركزية Democracy.
B) The avant -garde feature requires the availability of all this, and it requires a steady improvement in the party's class formation, the effectiveness of a struggle and a leadership merit in the practice, known for it by the fans of the class and its allies, and a constant ability to develop realistic policies that provide the fans of class and its allies concrete solutions to their direct dilemmas, solutionsIt takes into account the perpetrator of the existing forces in the social and political conflict in society.
فضلاً عن ذلك، فإن الحفاظ على السمة الطليعية للحزب يتطلب بالضرورة قدرته على التجدد والتطور الدائب المنسجم مع تطور الطبقة الإجتماعي ومع إرتقاء خبرتها وممارستها النضالية، التجديد والتطوير الدائب في برامجه وسياساته وفي نمط علاقاته الداخلية ونمط علاقاته بجماهير الطبقة وحلفائها. وهذا كله لا يمكن إكتسابه وصونه بفضل الوعي النظري المجرد، بل بفعل الممارسة النشطة التي تخضع للرقابة Democracy الدائمة والحيّة من قبل جماهير الطبقة نفسها.
رابعاً– أ) إن قواعد التنظيم المركزية Democracy، التي هي من أبرز مكونات السمة الطليعية للحزب، ليست قواعد جامدة تطبق بمضامين واحدة ثابتة في كل مراحل تطور ونضال الحزب وعلاقته بالطبقة. هذه القواعد التي تَنْظُم الحياة الداخلية للحزب وتوجه علاقته بجماهير الطبقة العاملة وحلفائها، تكتسب بالضرورة مضامين مختلفة بتطور نضال وتكوين الطبقة وموقعها الإجتماعي، كما بتطور الحزب نفسه في بنيته الداخلية وموقعه في حركة الطبقة.
إن المضمون التطبيقي لقواعد المركزية Democracy – على سبيل المثال - في فترة النضال من أجل الظفر بالدور القيادي للطبقة العاملة شيء، ومضمونها التطبيقي في فترة الدفاع عن سلطتها شيء آخر. وفي الحالة الأخيرة ينبغي أن تكتسب هذه المضامين مزيداً من التعميق والفعالية لآليات الممارسة Democracy في حياة الحزب الداخلية، وفي علاقته بحركة الطبقة ومنظماتها النقابية والإجتماعية وأحزابها الأخرى أيضاً، وأيضاً.
ب) كذلك، فإن المضامين التطبيقية لهذه القواعد في فترة نضال الحزب من أجل اكتساب سمته الطليعية وموقعه القيادي في حركة الطبقة العاملة، هي بالضرورة مختلفة عنها في فترة النضال من أجل صون هذه السمة الطليعية والحفاظ على هذا الموقع القيادي. وفي الحالة الأخيرة أيضاً يتطلب الأمر مزيداً من التعميق للممارسة Democracy داخل الحزب وفي علاقته بالجماهير.
■ إن الممارسة Democracy في الحياة الداخلية للحزب الطليعي تنطلق من إدراك حقيقة أن تجانسه الداخلي المعبر عنه بوحدة الفكر والإرادة والعمل، هو أيضاً ليس معطى جاهزاً ونهائياً، ولا هو تجانس تماثلي شمولي يمكن تحقيقه بالوسائل القسرية والبيروقراطية.
Internal homogeneity, unity of thought, will and work is a constant struggle.It is a given being acquired by the internal struggle, and it is also preserved through the internal struggle, through dialogue, free discussion and mutual respect for opinions and jurisprudence as long as it is anchored on the basis of the party's program and the unity of will and work.
1994
المركزية Democracy..
Its class content and struggle necessity
[■ إن المركزية Democracy هي المبدأ الذي يحكم العلاقات الحزبية الداخلية للجبهة ويوجه العلاقة بينها وبين الجماهير. وهي ليست مجرد مجموعة من القوانين والقواعد الإجرائية التي يجري تنفيذها بصورة شكلية وبمعزل عن مضمونها الطبقي، وإنما هي في الأساس تعبير عن المزايا المادية الموضوعية التي تتوفر لدى الشريحة المتقدمة للطبقة العاملة، والتي تنزع إلى اكتسابها الطبقة العاملة بعمومها، تدريجياً، من نمط حياتها وتطور دورها في المجتمع وفي الانتاج: مزايا الجماعية وتقسيم العمل، والوحدة المتزايدة للمصالح النهائية للطبقة العاملة، والتماسك الداخلي في صفوفها، والانضباط وروح المثابرة والصبر وطول النفس والقدرة على رؤية مصالح مجموع الشعب، والتقدير الدقيق لنسبة القوى بينه وبين اعدائه.
■ تقوم المركزية Democracy على قاعدة الوحدة في الفكر والإرادة والعمل، وهي ضرورة نضالية لا بد منها من أجل تسليح الحزب الطليعي بالإنضباط والوحدة الفكرية والتنظيمية المتينة والفعالية النضالية، ومن أجل تعميق العمل الجماهيري وروح التضحية والإندماج بحركة الشعب، والابتعاد عن الفردية الحِرَفية والأنانية والفوضوية والتسيب الليبرالي.
■ تُعَبِّر المركزية Democracy عن حاجة الطبقة العاملة والفئات والشرائح الكادحة عموماً وتلك المتحالفة معها إلى هيئة أركان وقيادة جماعية صلبة تجسد مصالحها النهائية وتشكل صلة الوصل بين نظريتها وبين الممارسة العملية، بين Political program المعبر عن مصلحة الطبقة العاملة وأوسع الفئات الشعبية ووجهة نظرها، وبين التنفيذ العملي لهذا البرنامج من خلال تعبئة طاقات الجماهير العمالية والكادحة وتوحيد وتنظيم نضالاتها.
■ إن المركزية Democracy هي السلاح الفعّال للحزب من أجل أداء دوره الفاعل في الحركة النضالية، وذلك من خلال عمله كوحدة متراصة في الفكر والإرادة والهدف وفي النضال العملي، وهي التي تكفل بناء الحزب كمنظمة كفاحية صلبة■]
(1)
المركزية Democracy كناظم للعلاقات الحزبية الداخلية
■ إن المركزية Democracy على صعيد صياغة العلاقات الحزبية الداخلية تعني التطبيق الحازم للمباديء التالية:
أ) إلتزام الفرد بقرارات التنظيم وتغليب مصلحة التنظيم على أية مصلحة خاصة: إن المركزية Democracy تعني تثقيف العضو الحزبي بروح الالتزام العميق المبني على إيمان لا يتزعزع بقضية الثورة والشعب والفئات والشرائح الإجتماعية الكادحة، روح الاستعداد لتحمل التضحيات والمشاق، روح التواضع ونكران الذات والصدق والإخلاص والنزاهة في التعامل مع التنظيم ومع الشعب في آن معاً.
This principle dictates the party member the conscious discipline of the party's decisions and commitment to his policy and work plans and the decisions taken by his collective bodies, and the sincere work to implement and defend them in front of the masses regardless of their congruence, or contrast with his personal opinion.
B) The actual for all members in drawing the organization's policy and determining its general plan, through the right of all grassroots party bodies to discuss its program, its internal system, the decisions of its conferences and its central leadership committees, and the right to make observations and suggestions, whatever the circumstances in which the organization works, through regularityReports from the lower partisan bodies to the highest partisan bodies on the basis of complete freedom in discussion and criticism.
C) The commitment of the minority by the majority: the collective bodies make their decisions to vote for democratic and according to the opinion of the majority, with the minority commitment to the position of the majority and the decisions of the party bodies.
The minority has the full right to express its point of view and to fight in its path within conferences, bodies and other party channels.
The revolutionary organization addresses the non -champion conglomerate and paralyzed tendencies that offend the unity of the organization and weaken its cohesion and its struggle effectiveness.
D) Electing the leadership bodies from below to top and practicing partisan oversight from below to top and vice versa: All party leadership bodies are formed by election from below to top and are committed to submitting reports that include an account statement of their achievements to the party conferences and organizations that elected them.
All leadership bodies are always subject to censorship by conferences that were elected to the accuracy of their implementation and their commitment to the decisions of these conferences and the directives of the higher bodies.
The lower bodies must exercise their right to discuss and criticize the decisions of the higher bodies within the party frameworks, as the higher bodies must oversee accurate supervision of the activity of the lower bodies, and to continue their implementation of decisions, partisan plans and daily duties, and provide them with appropriate directives to correct their mistakes and double their activities.
E) The minimum bodies are committed to the decisions of the higher bodies and the commitment of party organizations to the decisions of the Central Committee and the General National Conference: All lower bodies are obligated to implement the decisions taken by the higher bodies in accordance with the partisan sequence.
The lower bodies are entitled, but rather it is their duty to discuss the decisions of the supreme body, and when necessary to criticize them and register their objection to them and demand their amendment or abolition, provided that this right is not suspended to commit the decisions by the minimum body, as long as it has not been changed.
The higher bodies must study the objections of the lower bodies and their criticism carefully and seriously and take what is true and constructive of them, and to take care of the positive interaction based on mutual respect and comrade solidarity between the various levels of the organization.
All party organizations are obligated to implement the decisions taken by the national conferences of the organization and its central committee.
F) The leadership and individual responsibility: The leadership group means making political and organizational decisions and trends collectively by the bodies authorized by it.
As for the responsibility for implementing these trends, taking detailed and daily decisions, and distributing tasks to implement, they are the right of the member, or the members who have the task of implementation.
Collective bodies continue these members at the level of their implementation of their directives while encouraging the decisions and initiatives they make during that.
ز) النقد والنقد الذاتي في إطار التقييم، هو الأسلوب الرئيسي لتعزيز الممارسة Democracy داخل صفوف التنظيم والسلاح الفعال من أجل تصحيح مساره النضالي وردم الثغرات في عمله التنظيمي، ومن أجل تصويب سياساته وخطط عمله والاستئصال الدائم للتأثيرات الأيديولوجية الضارة وأنماط السلوك والتفكير الغريبة التي تتسرب إلى صفوفه من الخارج، والحفاظ بالتالي على نقاوته ووحدته الفكرية وتماسكه التنظيمي والنضالي.
■ إن الجانب الرئيسي لمفهوم المركزية Democracy يكمن في حق وواجب جميع الأعضاء والمنظمات الحزبية في ممارسة النقد والنقد الذاتي الهادف والبناء الذي لا ينزلق إلى المهاترات العقيمة والخلافات اللارفاقية واللامبدئية، ولا يستخدم ستاراً للتهرب من المهمات ومن تَحَمُّل المسؤولية الفردية عن الخطأ، ولا ينحدر إلى مستوى تضخيم الأخطاء الصغيرة أو إلقاء اللوم على الآخرين، بل ينصب على معالجة الأخطاء السياسية والتنظيمية الهامة وتصحيحها والتعلم منها، ويجري بروح التضامن الرفاقي التي تبرز الجوانب الإيجابية من أجل تشجيعها، وتحلل الظواهر السلبية من أجل دحضها واستئصالها، ويمارس بحس من المسؤولية العالية والصدق مع الذات ومع التنظيم والشجاعة الثورية في تحمل نتائج الخطأ ومعاملة أخطاء الذات بنفس المستوى الذي تعامل به أخطاء الآخرين، ويستهدف تربية الأعضاء بالقيم النضالية وتخليصهم من الثقافات والأمراض والتقاليد المتخلفة والظلامية والرجعية■
(a)
المركزية Democracy كموجه للعلاقة بن التنظيم والجماهير
■ إن تصليب التنظيم الحزبي وتعزيز انضباطه الداخلي على قاعدة المركزية Democracy والتطبيق الحازم لمبادئها وقوانينها في تنظيم العلاقات الحزبية الداخلية هو مهمة ذات ضرورة قصوى، ولكنها ليست كافية بحد ذاتها، فهي قد تتحول إلى ممارسة شكلية، وتؤدي إلى نتائج نخبوية وانعزالية وانتهازية يسارية أو يمينية، إذا هي لم تقترن ببناء علاقة سليمة بين التنظيم والجماهير تقوم على قاعدة المركزية Democracy أيضاً.
إن المركزية Democracy كمفهوم موجه للعلاقة بين الحزب والجماهير، تنبثق من اعتبار أن The revolutionary process حصيلة لنضال الجماهير من أجل رفع الاستغلال عنها، وأن دور التنظيم الثوري يكمن في إكساب الحركة الجماهيرية عنصر التنظيم والاتحاد الواعي.
■ إن المركزية Democracy تعني نبذ النزعات الذيلية والإصلاحية اليمينية التي تضع التنظيم الحزبي في مؤخرة التحرك النضالي للجماهير بدلاً من أن يكون طليعتها التي تتقدم الصفوف، وتنظم النضال وتثابر على رفع مستوى الاستعداد الكفاحي للجماهير وتحريضها الدائم للتحرك دفاعاً عن حقوقها، كما تعني نبذ الميول المغامرة الصبيانية و«اليسارية» المتطرفة التي تعزل التنظيم عن الحركة الجماهيرية، وتضعه وحيداً في مجابهة الأعداء وتزجه في أعمال وتكتيكات طائشة تنبثق من فورات الحماس الذاتي بدلاً من التحليل الدقيق لنسبة القوى الموضوعية ودرجة الاستعداد الكفاحي للجماهير.
إن المركزية Democracy كمفهوم موجه للعلاقة بين الحزب والجماهير تتطلب التطبيق الخلاق للمباديء التالية:
أ) الإنغراس العميق في الحركة الجماهيرية: إن التنظيم الطليعي ليس نخبة مستقلة عن الحركة الجماهيرية للعمال والكادحين، بل هو فصيلة متقدمة من فصائلها وهو طليعتها الواعية والمنظمة التي تحرص على الارتباط بها إرتباطاً وثيقاً. إن المركزية Democracy لا تنسجم إطلاقاً مع نزعة «التنظيم من أجل التنظيم» التي تجعل من وجود التنظيم الحزبي غاية مقصودة لذاتها، بل هي تؤكد وظيفة التنظيم كقائد ومنظم لحركة الجماهير العمالية والكادحة، تلك الوظيفة التي لا يمكن أداؤها إلا من خلال الإنغراس العميق في الحركة الجماهيرية والانخراط في كافة مؤسساتها المنظمة.
The duty of each member and every party organization is to engage in unions and other mass organizations, regardless of the nature of its leaders or the pattern of its activity, the effective in its activities and internal life and the practice of a diligent daily work between the ranks of its mass base.Also, the duty of each member to practice a daily revolutionary work, constantly between the masses at his workplace and his residence and in the social circles he is contacting.
B) Learning from the masses and their education: The party organization is a conscious vanguard of the revolutionary class.However, the awareness of the revolutionary organization, that is, its theory and program, is not emerging from the culture of abstract principles, but rather the outcome of the concrete awareness of direct and final material interests of the masses of the revolutionary classes and the experience and lessons of their struggle;And his way to ensure these interests.
إن المركزية Democracy في العلاقة بين التنظيم والجماهير تتطلب نبذ نزعة «الثقافة النظرية والسياسية المجردة» وتملي الربط الوثيق بين الوعي الثوري، وبين المصالح الملموسة للجماهير والممارسة العملية للنضال.
إن المركزية Democracy تتطلب استئصال نزعة «التثقيف من أجل التثقيف» التي تجعل من المعرفة المجردة غاية مقصودة لذاتها أو إمتيازاً معنوياً للعضو الحزبي ووسيلة للحذلقة على الجماهير والتعالي عليها، بدلاً من أن تكون المعرفة والوعي الثوري وسيلة لخدمة الجماهير، وتهمل تعبئتها وتنظيمها وإنارة طريق النضال أمامها، وتوجيه الممارسة العملية للأعضاء والمنظمات الحزبية.
The organization raises its members to respect the masses and listen to their views with humility and learn from their experiences and experiences and study their daily concerns and problems and put them within the ranks of the party organization so that the organization can enrich its theory and formulate it in work programs and struggle slogans that re -put it in the ranks of the mass movement in order to direct and lead its struggle.The organization also raises its members to speak the language of the people and link revolutionary ideas with the concrete experience of the masses.
C) Defending the interests of the masses and leading its daily struggle and linking it to the general national struggle: The revolutionary organization is not an organized political propaganda for major national goals.It is a tool for leading the daily struggle of the masses in defense of their urgent interests and linking it to the comprehensive political struggle for the final goals that can only be the outcome of the accumulation and rise of the daily struggles of the masses for their direct interests.
The revolutionary organization is not a sectarian group that constitutes itself, self -interests, distinct from the interests of the revolutionary classes.It requires its members and all its partisan organizations to pay wide attention to the direct demands of workers and hardships, no matter how small and secondary, and to defend them in a stubborn defense, and to engage in the daily struggle for these demands and play an advanced role, and at the same time work to politicize, develop and link it to the national struggleAnd the comprehensive democratic.
د) المثابرة على تنظيم أوسع الجماهير في النقابات والإتحادات والمنظمات الشعبية: إن الجماهير المنظمة هي وحدها القادرة على انتزاع حقوقها وإنجاز The revolutionary process.
Based on this fact, the revolutionary organization is firmly confronted within its ranks for all the phenomena of reluctance to organize the masses with any argument, and fight all tendencies of dealing with mass organizations as closed political confrontations, those tendencies that limit the function of members and party organizations to penetrate into the existing mass organizations and seek to controlIts leaders, with bureaucratic, coup and metaphysical means, and their use, as confrontations to enhance the political influence of the organization.
إن التنظيم الثوري يعتبر وظيفة دائمة وثابتة لجميع أعضائه ومنظماته الحزبية أن يثابروا على حث وإقناع أوسع الجماهير العمالية والكادحة على الانضمام إلى نقاباتها واتحاداتها، والعمل على تطويرها وتحويلها إلى أدوات كفاحية لتنظيم نضال الجماهير من أجل حقوقها ومطالبها المباشرة، وأن يناضلوا من أجل قيادة التنظيم لهذه النقابات والاتحادات من خلال القناعة Democracy لقواعدها الجماهيرية الواسعة بجدارة التنظيم القيادية وصحة سياساته، وأن يعملوا بدأب من أجل ابتداع وبناء كافة الأطر التنظيمية التي تنسجم مع درجة وعي أوسع الجماهير من أجل استقطابها وتعبئتها للنضال المنظم، وأن يدافعوا دفاعاً مثابراً عن حق الجماهير في التنظيم النقابي والإجتماعي، وأية أشكال أخرى تبتدعها الحركة الجماهيرية.
E) Dependence on the energies of the masses organized in the completion of revolutionary work: The avant -garde organization does not seek to accomplish national and other tasks by relying on its purely self -energies, as a substitute for the energies of the widest fans of the revolutionary classes.
The process of building the self -power of partisan organization is not a stand -alone goal, but rather a way to enable the organization in order to better undertake its supposed function in organizing the masses and leading its struggle, and it is a task that takes place through the development of the mass struggle and attracting the best avant -garde cases that highlight and annex it to the ranks of the organization.
This principle also means the removal of the tendency of "the cadre replacement as an alternative to the organization, and the organization of the organization as an alternative to the masses" in the performance of militant missions, that tendency that is a reflection of the "terrorist" and "coup" ideological effects of the educated elite belonging to the middle groups, which lacks confidence in the massesAnd its cards and capabilities.
إن التنظيم الثوري يسعى دوماً إلى إشراك أوسع الجماهير في أعماله النضالية بإطلاق مبادراتها وتنظيمها وقيادتها. إنه يتحرك للنضال مع الجماهير وفي an introduction صفوفها، وليس بمعزل عنها، ويرسم تكتيكاته النضالية إنطلاقاً من درجة الاستعداد الكفاحي لدى الجماهير، كما يثابر على رفع مستوى هذا الاستعداد وتطويره■
(P)
نحو تطبيق خلاق للمركزية Democracy
■ إن التطبيق السليم والخلاق للمركزية Democracy كأساس للعلاقات الحزبية الداخلية وللعلاقة بين التنظيم والجماهير هو كفاح داخلي دؤوب ضد كافة أشكال الإنحرافات اليمينية واليسارية في قضايا التنظيم والعمل الجماهيري كالليبرالية والفوضوية والحِرَفية المغلقة والإصلاحية والنخبوية الصبيانية المغامرة التي تعبر عن تسرب أفكار وقيم شرائح معيَّنة من البورجوازية الصغيرة إلى داخل التنظيم. وهو نضال دائم من أجل تعزيز المضمون الطبقي العمالي والكادح للتنظيم وتنقيته من الشوائب الغريبة الناجمة عن التأثيرات الأيديولوجية للطبقات الاخرى.
■ إن ظروف النضال المتعددة والمتنوعة التي نعمل في ظلها، تتطلب تكثيف وتشديد النضال من أجل التطبيق الخلاق لمباديء المركزية Democracy، وتوفير الشروط الضرورية من أجل أن تصبح بمضمونها الطبقي البروليتاري قاعدة ثابتة متينة لحياة التنظيم الداخلية وعلاقاته بالجماهير. وتتطلب هذه الشروط تشديد العمل بالأسس التالية:
A) Mastering all forms of struggle and all forms of organization: preserving an advanced position in the national and democratic struggle in its political and social faces requires engaging in all forms of the struggle and mass organization based on their unity, and mastering the practice and leadership of the struggle of the masses at all levels, and all the struggle means that rise from the required movesPeaceful to the comprehensive popular uprising.
It also requires mastery of the art of organization in all its secret, semi -public and public forms, and learn how to combine them and the flexibility of transition from one to the other according to the conditions of the struggle.What is more urgent and its importance is the diverse circumstances in which the Palestinian people live and work within the terms of the front organizations, and the emergency political changes imposed by the complication and intertwining of the conflict in the region.
B) The firm application of the front program and its line at all political, military, union and mass levels, and documenting the connection to the masses and defending its interests, no matter how small, because this alone is what leads to the consolidation and enhancement of the masses of the front, and leads to expanding its ranks and supplying it with prominent militants of the people, especially fromBetween workers and poor farmers and other toiling groups, youth and women's sectors, and thus increase their ability to work unified and creative implementation of their programs and policies.
C) The tireless work to enhance the influence of the front in the ranks of the working class, other toiling segments and middle groups, acquire stable sites within its trade union movement, and continue to work on organizing the front -friendly mass tires, in democratic organizations for youth, students, women and other mass sectors of the middle groups, and attentionPartisan expansion and programming permanently and directing it through the annual, separate and monthly working plans.
د) الإعتناء بالتثقيف الحزبي على كافة مستويات التنظيم وتطوير أساليبه ووسائله، وربطه ربطاً محكماً بالممارسة ومهمات النضال العملي، وتنمية وعي ملموس لبرنامج الجبهة Democracy ونظامها الداخلي وشعاراتها السياسية والنضالية باعتبارها دليل عمل وتوجيه لنضال التنظيم والجماهير، وتوجيه جهد التثقيف نحو فهم أعمق للواقع الفلسطيني والعربي، ونحو استئصال المفاهيم والأفكار الغريبة والعشائرية والمتخلفة والظلامية، ونحو تعزيز القيم والمفاهيم الثورية داخلصفوف التنظيم وتوطيد وحدته الفكرية، والعمل على تطوير نضال الجبهة الأيديولوجي ضد كل أشكال التضليل اليميني والإنتهازي والطفولة اليسارية.
E) Given care of the standards of the cadres, the means and methods of its development, education, and the refinement of its leadership capabilities, the adoption of the standards of struggle hardness, practical activity, leadership personality, the ability to mobilize and organized guidance for the energies of the organization and the masses in the struggle, instead of the shaved and purely verbal ability, and the patronage of the formation of leadership bodies at all levels at the foundations ofStruggle, ideology, and a clear policy by introducing more practical militants and field activists armed with the necessary awareness, to its leadership bodies and increasing their percentage in it as a constraint.
F) Building basal organizations on the basis of the productive or professional site, in addition to the geographical area, the mass organization, or the institution and other working sectors, which enables the members to practice a regular revolutionary struggle work in their work sites along with their residence, and allowing party organizations to be implanted In a specific class, its problems and concerns are touched, and its daily struggles lead. As well as the great care of these organizations, the adoption of all means of education with them, the establishment of revolutionary and disciplinary traditions between their ranks, directing them towards practical activity such as affiliation with unions, professional unions and struggle within them, and scrutinizing the problems of the daily and detailed masses, and forms of their solution.
G) Fighting unnecessary conflicts, and defeating all concepts and ideas that cover up behind: These conflicts lead to disrupting the practical struggle, and the leakage of the spirit of opportunism and individualism within the ranks of the organization, as well as obtaining it from its prestige ■
1975
Chapter six
Social forces in the national liberation stage
Political geography and social base
■ In the dynamism of class social structure
■ حول مفهوم «Democracy الثورية»
■ الجبهة Democracy: حزب يساري ديمقراطي
Appendix 1 + 2
Institute of Social Sciences
The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Political geography and social base
Social forces in the national liberation stage
[■ يتناول Political program For the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine، الصادر عن مؤتمرها الوطني العام السابع - 2018، في فصله الأول (المقطع4)، موضوع «القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية» بأبعاده المتعددة. وفيما يلي تجري مقاربة الأمر من زاويتي Political geography من جهة، ومن زاوية القاعدة الإجتماعية ببعديها الطبقي والقطاعي، من جهة أخرى:]
(1)
Political geography
■ تبدو معادلة الشعب الفلسطيني – الصعبة أصلاً - أكثر تعقيداً من أن تُختزل بوطن وشتات من منظور Political geography التي ينحكم لها، وذلك بالجدران العالية التي تقيمها هذه الجغرافيا بين مختلف تجمعاته.
The Palestinian people are distributed to several political entities (between a homeland and a diaspora, as well as a homeland and a homeland, and between diaspora and diaspora), entities that also enter into their own economic -social session, regardless of their legal status and political and social rights, which is reflected - as a result - a distinction inThe conditions of his life and hand over his priorities on the boundaries between these entities.
■ This objective data justifies the presentation of the following: Does the Palestinian spread with the features that were mentioned? Does he have its distinctions and contrasts in a common interest in the achievement of the national liberation with the same content that it expresses - for example - decisions of the Palestinian National Council?
The Palestinian people answered and still yes to this question, which confirms their unity, based on its unanimity on the unity of its national cause with its pillars, and its meeting on the unity of the goals of its national struggle within the framework of the interim program, based on what requires the completion of the right to self -determination: the state (on the limits of 67),The right of return (to the home), and national equality (at 48).
هذا ما يظهّره Political program للجبهة Democracy، إنطلاقاً من تشخيصه لطبيعة المشروع الصهيوني الذي إنتكب به شعبنا والقائم على: تمزيق وطمس الكيان الوطني، والهوية الوطنية للشعب الفلسطيني، وتشريده من أرضه، وتقسيم بلاده، وإخضاعها للإغتصاب والإستعمار الإستيطاني – الإحلالي، وبعدوان مستدام يمثله الإحتلال بالقوة الغاشمة.
إن طبيعة المشروع الصهيوني تؤسس – لا ريب – لترسيخ مرتكزات هذه الحالة الفلسطينية التي (على الرغم من تعقيدات Political geography بعقباتها وارتفاع أسوارها، إن لم يكن خصومتها، وحتى عدائها) مازالت تحتفظ بوحدتها وتماسكها، بعد إنقضاء عقود ممتدة على النكبة.
■ «إن إنجاز التحرر الوطني (..) يستجيب لمصالح وطموحات الشعب الفلسطيني بجميع طبقاته ومختلف تجمعاته (..)»، كما يرد في الفقرة1 (Chapter One- «4- القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية») من النص موضوع بحثنا في Political program. وهذا ما يرمي إليه النضال الوطني الفلسطيني المسقوف باستراتيجية عليا، تؤطر إشتقاقاتها برامج نضالية خاصة بكل تجمع، ويرسم خطوطها الرئيسية بشكل ملموس Chapter II للبرنامج السياسي.
In this context, the drafting of paragraph 1 mentioned above came;To indicate - on the one hand - to the reality of the suffering of our people in its three circles (48, 67, Diaspora);To also refer to "all its layers", and not only to its "national classes", in order to pay any ambiguity that may be raised by the character of "patriotism" on specific layers, and another exception from them, which may lead to a distinction between "national" and "non -national" layers,Unnecessary, based on the special nature of the Zionist project, which is essentially essential to the entire Palestinian people, and with all its components ■
(a)
القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية..
Levels and dimensions
■ Political program، في عرضه للقوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية، يأخذ بمستوييها:
A) The four -column social class: workers, national bourgeoisie, middle groups, parasitic, compradorian, and bureaucratic groups integrated into them.
B) Sectoriel, which is based on age: “youth”, or social gender (gender): “women”, to consider what these two sectors represent exceptional weight in society, and the fact that the “issue of women” is an issue that exists in its self -control Palestinian situation, givenFor prejudice and subsequent negative discrimination.
■ The adoption of the sectoral level to the side of the class does not affect the location of the latter, which remains the basis for analyzing the effect of the active forces in society. Scientific socialism does not deny the non -class social distinctions that can be regional, ethnic, sectarian ... and even this can be covered with thisThe distinctions - within certain conditions - the importance that makes them overwhelm what others, the class dimension, even if it is the basis in the political -social movement, is not necessarily the most important in all these movements;Note that the latter - regardless of its expressions and the degree of momentum - always curses a class content.
■ An extension of the foregoing, scientific socialism does not deny the great participants that exist between multi -created components, as long as it unites a reality, a role, they are common, as is the case of the youth sector, or women .. which has (or can possess) each of them is its independent movementThe list is aware of itself, its program, etc.
■ إن جمع Political program عند تناوله «القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية» ما بين البعدين: الطبقي كأساس، والقطاعي دونما استتباع، يُكسب مقاربته ملموسية إضافية ذات قيمة عملية، إن على مستوى التحالفات أو تكتيك النضال، أو أشكال التنظيم.
In this, the political program continues to adopt the socialist social theory of social classes and the class struggle, as it is the basis for analyzing the various directions and tendencies prevailing in society, whether it singled out its main (national) contradiction with the occupation, or what relates to its internal contradictions (by its political and social nature) that should be exhaustedConstantly to control it under the roof of the joint national program, and contains it in the framework of national unity, facing the occupation.
■ The socialist social theory of social classes accommodates the existence of segments (for example: labor aristocracy ..), partitions - for example: industrial bourgeoisie ..), and even social categories - categories (state bureaucracy, which can be met, with some behavior,The bureaucracy of power in the Palestinian case, intellectuals ...);But it does not accommodate it as "social groups" outside the classes, but rather as a component of them: the labor aristocracy is part of the working class, and the industrial bourgeoisie is part of the bourgeoisie, and the intellectuals are organic organizers of a specific class, etc. ..
The slides, sections, and social groups belong, as components, to one of the two main classes in the capitalist society (i.e. the society based on the predominance of the capitalist production pattern): the bourgeoisie (which has capital in its liquid and in -kind form - production means, along with the means of trading), and the layerThe worker (who only has the power of her work).
Other than that, there is a small bourgeoisie (or middle groups) that are not brought out by their lack of belonging to one of these two basic layers of the mechanism of perception between them, which apply - albeit in varying degrees - on all small bourgeois categories (middle categories), and also reflects on the basic contradiction of the existing existing.Between capital and rent ■
(P)
In the economic -social formation
1- ■ The Marxist theory of social classes is applied to a concrete societal state, represented by the "economic -social formation" that exists in a society, with a certain degree of its historical development, where he coexists within this formation and separates more than a production pattern (especially in the third world countries)One of them - that is, pattern (or style) of capitalist production - is dominant.In the economic -social formation, two construction:
■ Building underneath is reduced to the production pattern, which is the historical tangible unit of production forces and social relations of production that arises between humans (as groups) in the context of the production process (as well as circulation).
■ A above -based building is reduced to political and judicial institutions (within the framework of the state in the first place, but also outside it), ideological relations ... as well as forms of social awareness that they meet and the institutions that carry them, i.e. the system of political, philosophical, legal, behavioral and aesthetic ideas ... as well as religious beliefs ..
2- To the above, we add the following notes:
■ The elements of superstructure are not related to the constructive construction in a similar way, as elements such as the state and the law are closer to the informational construction, while the other elements are far from the infinite construction.
■ On their differentiation - in degree and quality - the convergence between the infinite and the metaphors is characterized by the one social -social formation circle, by overlapping in certain aspects, as the state - for example - has a major role in the economic aspect, which interferes and affects it directly, whenever the matter is required,And so on..
■ The economic -social formation engine is based on the total contradictions between the infinite and the metaphors.In this context, the primary role is due to the infinite construction, and the decisive role is to some components of the superior construction, and the course of history with its facts.Rising) with the traditions of political power (which belongs and moves at the level of superstructure), that is, the political power with what is the key to the radical transformation.
■ In the past, we should not miss for one moment that the relationship between the owner of production tools on the one hand, and the direct (worker) producer on the other hand, is the one that determines - with the result - the form taken by the state.This is not only because the production pattern is what determines the shape of all other relationships, but because the production pattern constitutes the base for the proportion of the forces that exist between the layers that are reflected extensively at the political level (in the superstructure).
3- ■ The main goal of the class social approach is to explain a situation, and to set the role of the various actors in the course of the national process, that is, in the political conflict, all its dimensions (economic, social, intellectual ...), which means, in the Palestinian case specifically, mainly,Conflict with Israel and the Zionist project.
This is what the political program undertakes when the position and role of the Palestinian class forces appoints in this conflict, and to the limits required by the maximum mobilization of the people's energies, including - especially - drawing the main lines of the due alliances between the various social forces ■
2013
In the dynamism of class social structure
القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية
[■ تعريف Social classes إنطلاقاً من الموقع في عملية الإنتاج (والتداول)، أي ضمن الدائرة الإقتصادية والدور الإقتصادي كأساس وأولوية، لا يكفي لتعريف الطبقات وتحديد موقعها، فثمة دور رئيسي تلعبه في هذا الإطار المنظومة الفكرية والسياسية والثقافية، الخ.. أي باختصار البنية الفوقية. وبالتالي، فإن التحليل الطبقي لا يقتصر على المعيار الإقتصادي (الذي يبقى هو الأساس)، بل يشمل أيضاً معايير أخرى سياسية وفكرية وثقافية، الخ...، كما أنه يأخذ بالإعتبار واقع التداخل والتعايش والصراع في مجتمع يتجاور فيه، ويتداخل، أكثر من نمط انتاجي (رأسمالي وما قبل رأسمالي).
■ إنطلاقاً مما ورد في Political program (Chapter One، المقطع 4، الفقرات 2 إلى 8)، نقدم فيما يلي مقاربة لنوعية ودينامية العلاقة بين مختلف القوى الإجتماعية الطبقية الفلسطينية، وبين المهام المرحلية التي يتضمنها البرنامج الوطني التحرري. هذه الدراسة البنيوية بأدوات التحليل المنهجي للنظرية الإشتراكية العلمية، لا تعفي، ولا تحل مكان الدراسة الإمبريقية الميدانية - العينيةالموثقة، التي استندنا إلى بعض معطياتها في هذه الدراسة:]
(1)
The national comprador and bourgeoisie
1- ■ The comprador is that part of the bourgeoisie, which does not have its own base for capitalist accumulation, which is active as a “mediator” for international (external) imperial capital with the bureaucratic elite (in the existing political power) integrated with the parasitic capital at the expense of the looting of the resources of the productive community.
Regarding the location and role of these social segments, the political program states in its first chapter (Article 4), on the following: “2- Similar segments of the Periodic and Comary, and the bureaucratic groups integrated into it, by virtue of the intertwining interests between them and the international monopolistic capital on the one hand, and their merger inOn the other hand, these segments are in their interest in harmony with solution projects, and solutions that affect the interests of the Palestinian people or detract from their national rights.From this site, these segments tend to be diligent with occupation and dependence on its dictates.
2- ■ The national bourgeoisie is distinguished from the comprador by having a special rule for capitalist accumulation, but it is an interrelated rule-albeit in degrees-with external capital (mainly imperialist, as well as others), which affects the material basis of its political independence, without eliminating its contradiction with this abroad, in particularIn aspects related to the national issue.
In addition, the Palestinian national bourgeoisie suffers from the reality of the occupation, which is also crouching on its chest on its political and economic conditions, which undermine the pillars of its economic role, and narrow before it - if this is not closed - the prospects for growth and development.
Finally, the national bourgeoisie moves within the conditions of coexistence with the comprador, which is politically implemented and economically capable, due to its affiliation with the decision affecting the decision at the level of political authority.
3- ■ By doing these factors combined, our national bourgeoisie does not apply to the supposed specifications of the national bourgeoisie in independent countries, in terms of their political independence, based on relative economic independence (with the emphasis on the "relative" that applies in the era of globalization to national parallels in developing countries-and even moderateGrowth - with slices of slices from it to the compradorian transformation).
■ However, the meeting of the "private accumulation base", even with the aforementioned restrictions, with the inflamed file of the national issue, where the occupation and the settlement threatens existence and destiny, makes the Palestinian national bourgeoisie carrying a relatively independent political position (and not dependent) with the accepted national content and declared goals.
The inclinations of bargaining and political fluctuation - a position and a behavior - for this class, reflects its weak confidence in its ability to act, against the background of its awareness of its weak economic base, which finds its extension in its lack of confidence in the capabilities of the mass movement.But this retreat - clearly defined among some of its segments - does not cancel its position in the existing intellectual and political structure, which expresses - in the outcome - the unity of its position as a class in the face of the national issue.
4- ■ Based on all of this, the political program states its first chapter (Al-Maqtam 4), on the following: “3- The national bourgeoisie, relatively independent of imperialism, played an important role in leading the national movement of our people inside and outside the country, but this class, in light of hegemony Cosmic imperialism, lacks an open historical horizon for its development, and it is governed by either the either, or by the steady shift to the combaradori site, and despite the importance of its participation in the national struggle against the occupation, and therefore the tendencies of bargaining and fluctuation are spread in its ranks, and it lacks confidence in the revolutionary energies and initiatives of the popular masses, and shows Some of its segments are an increasing tendency to decline in front of imperialist pressures, and the defeatist trends are spread in its circles.
(a)
Categories (Small bourgeois)
■ In scientific social theory (Marxist) of social classes, it is widely used (but not by all those who adopt this theory) the concept/ term/ expression “the bourgeoisie”, as well as “middle groups” in the same sense;They cover the same class area with its formations, and they beautify the same social groups, which, in turn, fall under two main titles:
1-■ Categories (Small bourgeois) التقليدية، التي تشمل أصحاب الإنتاج الصغير، والملكية الصغيرة، وصغار التجار والفلاحين...، حيث الإعتماد – بمثال الحالة الفلسطينية – على عدد قليل من العاملين (من الأسرة تفضيلاً، لكن أيضاً من خارجها)، وتوجه الإنتاج إلى السوق المحلي، والنشاط في ما يعرف بـ «الإقتصاد غير المنظم»، القائم على الإستخدام بدون عقود عمل، وما يترتب على ذلك..
■ In general, these groups mainly to the small commodity production pattern are from the inheritance of the modern pre -capitalist production pattern, and are attributed to the existing economic -social formations, in which more than one production pattern coexist under the umbrella of the capitalist production pattern and its domination.
The general approach to development indicates the decline in these groups and their dullness;But in developing countries it maintains - with its decline - its existence, on the basis that the coexistence patterns in one society (one economic -social formation), interact with each other through the equation of cooperation and conflict ..., noting that the multiplicity of production patterns may be embodied inSome economic sectors are more than others, and in some local communities more than others, etc.
2-■ Categories (Small bourgeois) الحديثة، التي تشمل أصحاب المهن الحرة، المعلمين، أصحاب ما يسمى بالرأسمال الثقافي (أي حاملي شهادات الإختصاص على أنواعها)، التكنوقراط، العاملين براتب في القطاعين العام والخاص، وفي مؤسسات المجتمع السياسي، والمدني، والأهلي، وفي مؤسسات البنية الفوقية عموماً..
The general direction in societies that dominated the capitalist production pattern, is the breadth and role of these middle groups, because of their direct link to meet the requirements for building and developing modern state institutions, with the development of industries and technology, by expanding civil society frameworks, with the growth of cities and increasing their population, with the growing needs of the service sector.
3- This is what also applies to the Palestinian situation, especially after the Palestinian Authority’s establishment, the spread of the components of civil society and civil institutions, the expansion of higher education, and the services sector that grows with determination with the expansion of the circle of workers in the aforementioned fields.
These societies are witnessing - in general - an increase in the number of workers in a salary, to distinguish them from the workers in wages, which applies to the working class, specifically to its segments involved in the so -called "productive work", that is, the work that is drawn from the surplus of value directly, which is the matterIt does not apply to "unproductive work".The use of these two terms does not constitute a valuable judgment on either of them, as "unproductive work", and if it does not produce a directly valuable surplus, it is from the core "social division of work" without which the wheel of production does not revolve ■
(P)
Categories are not a homogeneous class
1–■ مما تقدم، يتضح أن Categories (Small bourgeois) ليست طبقة متجانسة، بالإمكان التعاطي مع تمايزاتها من خلال توزيعها على شرائح وفئات وأقسام، كما هو حال البورجوازية أو الطبقة العاملة، لأن هذا التوزيع في مكان ما يحتاج إلى توضيح لمرجعيته – الأصل، باعتبار أن الشرائح هي شرائح لطبقة، والأقسام هي أقسام لطبقة، والفئات هي فئات لطبقة..؛ وهذه الإحالة إلى المرجعية - الأصل تستلزم بدورها تطبيق المعيار – الأساس في تعريف Social classes، الذي يتمثل بتحديد العلاقة مع وسائل الإنتاج (المثبتة والمصاغة بقوانين في الغالب)، ما يقود، في حال تطبيق هذا المعيار وحده على البورجوازية الصغيرة، إلى وضعها على سوية الطبقة العاملة التي تتشارك معها في عدم إمتلاك وسائل الإنتاج، الأمر الذي يوصلنا إلى الفوضى في المفاهيم والمصطلحات.
2-■ إن تجنب هذا السيناريو الإفتراضي بما يقود إليه، والذي أوردناه لتوضيح الفكرة ليس إلا، يجعلنا نعود إلى أصل تعريف Social classes في النظرية الإشتراكية العلمية التي، وإن اعتبرت علاقة مجموعة من الفاعلين الإجتماعيين بوسائل الإنتاج (من زاوية ملكيتها القانونية من عدمها) هي الأساس في تعريف الطبقات ودورها، فإنها تقيم العلاقة بين هذا المقياس – الأساس ومجموعة أخرى من المقاييس، تلعب كلها، أو بعضها، دوراً فائق الأهمية بتحديد دور الطبقة في الصراع السياسي، والتغيير الإجتماعي، الخ.. وتتحدد هذه المقاييس (في إطار ومع المقياس - الأساس) بما يلي:
A) The role in the organization (or division) of the work (who does the administrative, technical, or technocrats that possess the authority of decision and influence in the in -kind capital, whether the means of production or others, without being in a ownership relationship with it).
B) Methods of obtaining a class in social wealth and the size of that session.
C) The moral or social status that belongs to specific jobs (even if the salary is not balanced with it).
■ Conclusion: As the economic factor plays the main role in identifying the classes and their role, the political and intellectual factor and what is affiliated with the superior construction plays a highly important role.Class analysis (along with the economic scale that remains the basis), depends on political and other measures, may be decisive in certain contexts, by drawing social lineup.
3.On the other hand), and leads to the bias of certain parts of the middle groups to one of the two poles for considerations that exceed our ability to limit them, but among them, and the most indicative, for example: the bias of the upper categories of modern bourgeois to the bourgeoisie, and in return the lower categories of them to the classWorking ..
■ However, these biases do not mean that the middle groups are distributed in their entire "owners" over the two poles (the most accurate: the political representatives of the poles), the alignment mechanism is one of the two existing dynamics, where the other is that the middle groups retain a specific body outside the binary polarization, it is not lost by its inabilityOn the involvement of a program for the whole national (as in the Palestinian arena), it does not lose its role as a major force, as a major actor in society.
The correct tactic, which the Palestinian left should follow in dealing with the middle groups, is based on the pillars of the attraction (which convinces its members of the viability of the struggle under the bannerSwitched forms and programs suitable as a base for joint work).
4- It is the dynamism of polarization that generates multiple alignments within the middle groups, which explains the multiplicity of the terms they give. For our part, we do not bias in favor of a name and not others, as long as it guarantees dealing with the middle groups under one title, which does not ignore or jump, from the existing great distinctions - objectively - in its ranks; This is because in the Palestinian case, we stand before a balanced social bloc, active in the national and social struggle and in Palestinian society in general (is not less than 40% almost equally distributed between the traditional and modern wings), it is worth political openness to it as much as possible, but within the limits that do not lead To dilute the class and intellectual identity of the left.
■ Any of the terms of the middle and bourgeois categories performs the purpose and provides what is required, but the problem lies in the following: Some circles are launching the term "small bourgeois" at the traditional wing of this social bloc, while the modern wing was singled out with the term "middle class", or(As is the case in some developed capitalist countries) “HIV -slices”, or “Technical Intelligence” .. Hence our altruism of the term “middle groups” in order to prevent any confusion, and a warden of the negatives of mixing and overlapping ■
(4)
موقع الفئات الوسطى في Political program للجبهة Democracy
■ منذ اعتماد Political program للجبهة Democracy بصيغته الأولى عام 1975، وبعد التعديلات/ التدقيقات التي أُدخلت على صيغة البرنامج في محطات مؤتمرية متتابعة (1981، 1994، 2006، 2013، 2018)؛ تطورت بالمنحى الإيجابي الصاعد، صيغ مقاربة دور الفئات الوسطى في العملية الوطنية. وفيما يلي – تأكيداً لهذا المنحى- قراءة مقارنة للنصوص المعتمدة في المحطات الثلاث الأخيرة (2006، 2013، 2018):
1-■ تنص صيغة Political program- 2006 للفقرة المتعلقة بالبورجوازية الصغيرة على ما يلي:«4- تؤدي البورجوازية الصغيرة بشرائحها المختلفة دوراً حيوياً وفعالاً في مجرى الثورة الوطنية التحررية وتشكل إحدى قواها Motor الرئيسية. ولكنها تفتقر إلى التجانس الداخلي الذي يمكّنها من احتلال موقع الطليعة الطبقيةللثورة. إن موقعها الوسطي الرجراج بين سائر الطبقات، يحول دون تكوين رؤية واقعية سليمة لنسبة القوى، تمكنها من بلورة برنامج نضالي ملموس لتعبئة جماهير الشعب تحت قيادتها. وهي تستعيض عن ذلك بشعارات التطرف والمغامرة والرفض اللفظي لواقع الإضطهاد والتشرد من جهة، والإنكفاء إلى الإحباط من جهة أخرى».
2- ■ While the formula approved in the political program-2013 stipulates after making meaningful adjustments to the above formula, the following:
«4- تؤدي الفئات الوسطى بشرائحها المختلفة دوراً حيوياً وفعّالاً في مجرى الثورة الوطنية التحررية، ولكنها تفتقر إلى التجانس الداخلي الذي يمكّنها من إحتلال موقع الطليعة الطبقية للثورة. إن موقعها البيني الرجراج حيال سائر الطبقات، إذ يحد من قدرتها على بلورةبرنامج نضالي ملموس لتعبئة جماهير الشعب تحت قيادتها، فإنه لا ينال من حقيقة كون الفئات الوسطى إحدى القوى الإجتماعية الرئيسية Motor للثورة».
3- ■ In comparison between the two texts, the following is evident:
أ) تلتقي الصيغتان (2006 و 2013) عند الدور الحيوي والفعّال للبورجوازية الصغيرة (الفئات الوسطى) في مجرى الثورة الوطنية التحررية، ما يجعلها إحدى القوى الإجتماعية الرئيسية Motor للثورة، كما تتفقان على افتقار Categories (Small bourgeois) إلى التجانس الداخلي الذي يمكنها من احتلال موقع الطليعة الطبقية للثورة.
B) On the other hand, the two formulas vary in what they extract from the middle (inter -bourgeoisie) site (middle classes) between other classes;While the 2006 formula is cut off that the occupation of this site "prevents a sound vision of the proportion of power enables the small bourgeoisie to develop a tangible struggle program to mobilize the massesThis program is nothing but.
C) The 2013 -2013 form is completely away from the formula - 2006, which considered that the small bourgeoisie "replaces" from its inability to develop the prominent struggle program "with the slogans of extremism, adventure and verbal rejection of the reality of persecution and displacement on the one hand, and the retreat to frustration on the other hand" given thatThis political course, even if it happens in a particular circumstance, it cannot be circulated to all small bourgeois segments, nor does it apply to any of its categories and slices at all times and places.
4-■ تستعيد صيغة Political program – 2018، في موضوع «الفئات الوسطى» نفس الصيغة التي وردت في Political program - 2013، لكنها تضيف إليها فقرة كاملة عن دور «الفلاحين والمزارعين»، التي كانت غائبة عن الصيغ السابقة لمقطع «القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية»، فقرة تنص على مايلي:
“.. in particular, the role of farmers and farmers who are exposed to crushing and destroying by Israel’s economic domination and control of the market and water and land sources and its settlement expansion, which makes them a social force with an important revolutionary energy in the course of the national liberation struggle” ■
(Kh)
Working class and alliances
1- ■ In the three formulas (2006, 2013, 2018), paragraph 5 emphasizes the organization and the struggle role of the working class in “providing conditions for enabling it to play its required role objectively (as a class) in the path of the National Liberal Revolution”; However, unlike the formula - 2006, the two formulas - 2013 and 2018 do not consider this "a major condition of victory", because of the nature of this discomfort, virtual, which involves an inevitable tendency that prefers not to fall into its warning. The emphasis on the validity of this saying, which is the struggle role of the working class, is a "major condition of victory" in connection with its leadership role, or the advanced (vanguard) role of its political leadership, based on the experience of many national liberation movements, but it does not necessarily apply to all cases, It also confirms the experiences of other national liberation movements in this regard.
2- ■ Contrary to the mentioned paragraphs mentioned, related to the location and role of the class forces in the National Liberal Revolution (the comprador, the national bourgeoisie, the middle class, Emphasizing its own national responsibility in this field.
إن الدور القياديللطبقة العاملة لا يكون إلا من خلال، وربطاً بـ «تحالفها الديمقراطي الوطيد» مع «القوى الإجتماعية Democracy»: العمال والفئات الوسطى (ومن ضمنهم الفلاحين) وسائر الكادحين + أوسع قطاعات المرأة والشباب.
In this context, the coalition components were expanded from an alliance limited to "the working class, the poor of farmers and other toil" who were added to them - in a later context - "advanced segments of the small bourgeoisie", as stated in the 2006 formula, to an alliance that includes these "middle groups (It is not only its advanced segments) and all other hardships, as well as the widest sectors of youth and women », in the 2013 and 2018 formats.
3-■ إن توسيع مكوّنات التحالف إستتبع نقلة من صيغة التحالف الديمقراطي الثوري (أي التحالف اليساري الأقرب إلى موقع القوى التي تسترشد بالإشتراكية العلمية)، كما ورد في صيغة 2006، إلى التحالف الديمقراطي، أو تحالف القوى Democracy، كما ورد في صيغة 2013، ومن ثم إلى «تحالف القوى الإجتماعية Democracy من عمال وفلاحين وفئات وسطى وسائر الكادحين فضلاً عن أوسع قطاعات المرأة والشباب»، كما في صيغة 2018، ذي القاعدة الإجتماعية الأعرض، الذي يشكل، والحال هكذا، «الضمانة الأكيدة لتوطيد الجبهة الوطنية المتحدة وضمان إلتزامها الثابت بالبرنامج الوطني» (الفقرة 7)■
2013
حول مفهوم «Democracy الثورية»
(1)
بين الأحزاب العمالية الأحزاب Democracy الثورية
1–■ من الزاوية النظرية إرتبط مفهوم Democracy الثورية، سواء في العملية التنظيمية الحزبية، أو في إدارة المجتمعات والقوى الطبقية Motor للعملية الثورية فيها، إرتبط هذا المفهوم بمستوى التطور السياسي والثقافي والإجتماعي– الإقتصادي لهذه المجتمعات.
وكان مستوى التطور هذا هو العامل الحاسم أساساً في تحديد المحتوى النظري والعملي لمفهوم Democracy الثورية؛ ففي بلد صناعي نمت فيه الطبقة العاملة وتبلورت وتطورت مزاياها الإجتماعية والإقتصادية إلى الحد الذي انقسم فيه المجتمع إلى طبقتين أساسيتين (تجسدان التناقض الأساسي القائم بين رأس المال والعمل المأجور)، هما الطبقة العاملة والبورجوازية، كان من الطبيعي أن يتشكل في المجتمع حزب للطبقة العاملة، أي حزب تشكل الطبقة العاملة قاعدته الإجتماعية الأوسع في مواجهة البورجوازية وتعبيراتها السياسية المنظمة.
كان هذا هو الحال في البلدان الأوروبية، حيث حلَّ Capital production method مكان أسلوب الإنتاج الإقطاعي بدءاً من نهاية ق 18، وحيث إنتشرت الثورة البورجوازية Democracy في هذه البلدان منذ انتصار الثورة الفرنسية- 1789.
■ At the time, a social -economic formation was shattered, which is the feudal collection, to replace a new assortment, the capitalist collection, in which the role of the bourgeoisie emerged as a homogeneous and unified class in leading the capitalist revolutionary transformation. The bourgeois layer was at the time a democratic class, and it was also revolutionary, and its slogans were clearly indicated, as it defended freedom, brotherhood and equality, through its struggle in order to liberate the workforce from the restrictions of the feudal system, which was slaughtering the development of productive forces and the development of production relations. The bourgeoisie, at the time, found in the emerging working class, and in the peasants in general, an ally of her fateful struggle against feudalism.
2–■ مع التطور المتسارع، الذي شهده Capital production method، وعبّر عن نفسه بتطور أوضاع القوى العاملة والتطور الهائل للقوى المنتجة، التي – بدورها – إكتسبت صفة إجتماعية على نطاق واسع، كان التمركز في أوضاع قوى وعلاقات الإنتاج يشق طريقه ليفتح صفحة جديدة في تاريخ المجتمعات البشرية.
■ This concentration, especially in the financial sector, i.e. bank financial institutions, has resulted in a wide variation in the level of social -economic development on the global scale.Colonia and imperialism have played a great role in devoting that wide disparity, whose effects are still on this day, between the capitalist countries, the countries where capitalism has made its way early, and the countries that booked colonialism and imperialism are the prospects of their independent capitalist development.
■ In the societies in which the bourgeoisie decided its control and strengthened its authority in a decisive way, and in an early stage of capitalist development, capitalist societies have become divided into two basic classes: the bourgeoisThey are the bourgeois parties, and parties defending the working class, their rights and interests are the labor and communist parties.
■ وكان ظهور الأحزاب العمالية والشيوعية أمراً طبيعياً، أي نتيجة طبيعية لحالة التناقض التي انتهجها التطور الرأسمالي في البلدان الرأسمالية، وهو تناقض بين الصفة الإجتماعية للإنتاج وبين علاقات الإنتاج القائمة على الملكية الخاصة لوسائل الإنتاج. في هذه المجتمعات لم تتشكل الأحزاب Democracy الثورية، موضوع بحثنا، فمستوى التطور الإجتماعي – الإقتصادي لم يطرح هذه المسألة أصلاً■
(a)
The economic - social formation
التي تقوم عليها الأحزاب Democracy الثورية
1-■ في أية مجتمعات كان تشكيل الأحزاب Democracy الثورية إذن ضرورة موضوعية؟ وأية قوى إجتماعية كان لها مصلحة في تشكيل أحزاب كهذه؟ وعن أية مصالح طبقية كانت تدافع هذه الأحزاب؟ وما صلة هذه الأحزاب بالأحزاب العمالية والشيوعية؟ وهل تملك هذه الأحزاب طاقة ذاتية للتحول إلى أحزاب تسترشد بالإشتراكية العلمية؟ وهل تستطيع هذه الأحزاب قيادة The revolutionary process في بلدانها، أو مجتمعاتها، وبأية برامج سياسية وثقافية وإجتماعية – إقتصادية ينبغي على هذه الأحزاب أن تعمل، وهي تقود The revolutionary process؟
وفي الإجابة على هذه الاسئلة يتحدد المدخل الأنسب لتعريف مفهوم «Democracy الثورية».
2-■ إذا كان تطور الرأسمالية في البلدان الصناعية قد شكل نفياً لضرورة تشكيل أحزاب ديمقراطية ثورية، حيث تجاوزت التشكيلة الإجتماعية – الإقتصادية لهذه البلدان تلك الضرورة، فمن البديهي أن يتوجه الإهتمام في معالجة مسألة «Democracy الثورية» إلى البلدان، التي تأخر فيها التطور الرأسمالي، أي إلى البلدان التي خضعت بشكل مباشر، أو غير مباشر للسيطرة الإمبريالية.
■ إن تطور الرأسمالية في البلدان الصناعية قد نفى ضرورة تشكيل أحزاب ديمقراطية ثورية، لأن المجتمع قد انقسم في وقت مبكر من الثورة البورجوازية Democracy إلى طبقتين أساسيتين: هما البورجوازية والطبقة العاملة؛ ومثلما كان للبورجوازية في هذه البلدان أحزابها، فقد كان للبروليتاريا – بشكل، عام ومع بعض الإستثناءات – هي الأخرى أحزابها، أي الأحزاب العمالية والشيوعية والتي عُرفت حتى نهاية الحرب العالمية الأولى- 1918، بأحزاب الإشتراكية – Democracy.
3- ■ On the other hand, in the countries where capitalism was delayed due to its direct and indirect submission to imperialism, the class division in society-in its modern sense-was in its beginnings.The best witness to this is the coexistence of several productive patterns within the framework of the social -economic formation existing in one country.
And with some reduction, these productive patterns, which overlap with each other, are in the following:
A) pre -capitalist production pattern in the countryside, as in Medina;B) The pattern of capitalist production that grew up in the colonial and semi -colonial countries in the transition of capitalism to its imperialist phase.In this, we take the scale of the gradient from the lower production pattern to the higher production pattern, which necessarily reflects at the level of political awareness of the class struggle, among various social groups ■
(P)
Coexistence and overlap between two patterns of production
[Below, we supply the production models, each of which falls - despite the existing overlapping between them - in one of the aforementioned production models, noting that this classification is in its interventions, but it takes place under the umbrella and dominance of the pattern of the upscale capital production in its imperialist phase:]
1- ■ The pre -capitalist production pattern, as it was manifested in the countryside, as it prevailed on a large scale in many countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, production relations that combine primitive radioactivity, between feudal and semi -feudal production relations.The rural residents composed the overwhelming majority in these countries that were directly or indirectly subject to imperialism.The status of the productive forces was very backward and lacking the minimum levels of development, where the technical base is primitive in agriculture.In this context, the production renewal process was taking place in a narrow range and slow.
■ In light of this situation, the countryside was weak in political and social transformations that are not directly touched.Thus, the countryside was a fortress for the traditional economy (returning to the pre -capitalist production pattern), as well as the conservative and reactionary trends in the political, social and economic fields in general, and it did not play its role in the process of class conflict.
On this background, the class awareness was developing very slowly and in turn affects the slowdown of the class conflict, and in slowing the development of class awareness in the same city among the workers ’audience.
2- ■ The pre -capitalist production pattern in cities, as it was particularly manifested in literal production, where the product is limited with the means of production as its owner, and its commodity production did not need to divide a job that requires the exploitation of the power of others.This economic style is related to the market through the direct relationship between the product itself and the consumer, or the merchant.In this productive pattern, there is no increased value (valuable surplus), except in the borrowed sense, as it is formed in the framework of small, limited number and weak production.
■ يبقى الأهم، في السياق، ليس التعريف بهذا النموذج ودوره في العملية الإنتاجية وموقعه في علاقات الإنتاج، بل تعيين موقعه في الصراع الطبقي في المجتمعات التي تأخر فيها تطور نمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي، أو في البلدان التي حجزت الإمبريالية، فيها زمناً طويلاً، تطور Productive forces and production relationships الرأسمالية.
In practice, the contribution of the productive forces (to craft production) to the class of class struggle was very weak, and confined to the limits of the conflict against the results that resulted in the slow penetration of capitalist production relations, which - because of its slow - were not reflected in sufficient clarity, on the level of awareness of the basic elements of the conflictClasses among literal production actors;This awareness remained on the level of social values and concepts - confined to the scope of spontaneity, craftsmanship and selfish individualism, which is far from the ideals and values of the working class, caused by the pattern of its work and life.
3– ■ Merchandise البسيط والمتوسط، الذي كان يشق طريقه في بعض فروع الصناعة، وخاصة في فروع النسيج والملبوسات وفروع الصناعات الغذائية، أي في الفروع الصناعية التي كانت تزود الأسواق المحلية ببعض إحتياجاتها من السلع، أو البضائع ذات القيمة الإستعمالية العالية؛ فالحاجة إلى الملابس وإلى المواد الغذائية حاجة يومية، وعلى سلع هذه الفروع الصناعية يُقبل أفراد المجتمع باستمرار، ولذا إتجهت توظيفات الرأسمال المحلي الضعيف إلى هذه الفروع الصناعية، قبل غيرها.
Also here, it is not the most important to determine the location of this productive model and its role in the production process and production relations, but rather to set its role in the process of class conflict, and the development of class consciousness in societies, in which the development of the capitalist production pattern was delayed, that is, in the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
■ Based on this, we record the following: In practice, the contribution of this productive model in the process of class struggle was weak due to the weakness of its productive institutions in general, as these institutions were small in size in general, and they depend on the use of working hands that do not require high skill at work, due to the weak adoptionOn advanced technology.
Without a doubt, the workforce in this productive pattern was exposed to the most exploitation degrees, but the advantages of employment in this field, especially in terms of weakness in using skilled labor, on the one hand, and competing in the labor market, on the other hand, was forced by the workforce to breach the conditions of workAnd its unfair laws, which was generally seized the development of class conflict and the development of class awareness.
This does not mean that this field was not witnessing business conflicts, on the contrary.However, the factors referred to, in addition to the intervention of local official repression devices, were a restriction on the development of the role of the working class and its union movement, which was formed in the main degree in the institutions of this model.
4- ■ In the context of the pattern of capitalist production in its imperialist phase, it is worth noting the focus of the basic investments of colonial countries in a major number of countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, on colonial looting institutions for the wealth of colonial and semi -colonial countries, through infrastructure and industries institutionsExtraction.
In order to facilitate the operations of the organized imperial looting, imperialism had to take care of roads, build railways and build marine ports.This is in addition to investing in mines, and in capitalist agricultural products (cotton for example) necessary for the development of industry in imperialist countries.
In these institutions, a working class that had a prominent role in the national and social conflict process has grown, and in the development of class awareness in a number of colonial, semi -colonial countries, such as India, China, Indonesia, Egypt, Iran, Algeria, Venezuela, Argentina, and other othersthe countries.
■ However, we have to note that colonialism was constantly keen to reserve the development of the local workforce by relying on technical expertise and foreign manpower, which he was exporting with financial capital from the same colonial countries.
ومع ذلك كانت الطبقة العاملة في مؤسسات هذا النمط من الإنتاج الرأسمالي في مرحلته الإمبريالية، هي النواة الصلبة للحركة العمالية والنقابية في البلدان التي تأخرت فيها عملية التطور الرأسمالي. وكان على الطبقة العاملة هذه، أن تضطلع بدور كفاحي مُركب، أي أن تخوض نضالات ضد القوة الإستعمارية من موقعها الوطني والقومي، ونضالات ضد الإستغلال المكثف لقوة عملها من موقع العمل كذلك. وفي مؤسسات هذا النموذج الإقتصادي نمت الطبقة العاملة في عدد من البلدان المُستعمَرة، وشبه المُستعمَرة، وتطور دورها الكفاحي في بناء أحزاب الطبقة العاملة، والأحزاب Democracy الثورية■
(4)
The distinction between one community and another
1- ■ These were the most important examples of the various patterns of production, which coexisted and adjacent to each other in societies in which the development of capitalism was delayed in the countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America.Imperialism had a major role - objectively - in dedicating and preserving these models along the first half of BC.
This does not mean that these models belonging to several patterns of production have coexisted, adjacent to, and overlapped with each other in all these societies without the distinctions between one society and another, but on the contrary, societies were differentiated from others in this field, as was the case with a number ofLatin American countries, such as Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and others;Among the Asian countries such as India, Indonesia, China, Iran, and Turkey;Among the African countries, especially in North Africa, such as Egypt, and Algeria, for example.
In these countries, the spread of modern capitalist production relations was faster than others, as a local and foreign industry has grown since the end of BC 19, in which banking institutions had had a role in the rise of a modest industrial sector.However, the economic models of several production patterns, as they were eaten, were also widely spread over the first decades of BC 20.
2- ■ In light of these economic models (within the framework of the multiplicity of production patterns of coexistence and interference) that prevailed in societies in Africa, Asia and Latin America;How did the formation of parties in general, and progressive parties in particular go?
على قاعدة الإنقسام بين طبقتين أساسيتين وفي إطاره تشكلت في المجتمعات الأوروبية الأحزاب البورجوازية والأحزاب الإشتراكية Democracy العمالية، والتي تحولت بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى للعمل تحت رايات الأحزاب العمالية والشيوعية بعد انقسام الإشتراكية Democracy إلى إتجاهين: شيوعي (شكل الأممية الثالثة)، وإشتراكي ديمقراطي (في امتداد الأممية الثانية).
■ في المجتمعات الآسيوية، والإفريقية، والأميركية – اللاتينية لم يكن الأمر كذلك، فالتركيب الطبقي لتلك المجتمعات كان تابعاً للنماذج الإقتصادية التي سادت هذه المجتمعات، ويدور في إطارها. ولذا، كان تأسيس أحزاب عمالية يبدو عملية مفتعلة لا تنسجم مع مستوى التطور السياسي، والثقافي، والإجتماعي – الإقتصادي لتلك المجتمعات. ويندر أن نجد حتى مطلع ق 20 تشكيلات سياسية حزبية كانت تدعي الإنتماء إلى عالم الإشتراكية Democracy في أي من بلدان آسيا وإفريقيا وحتى أمريكا اللاتينية التي أُحرزت بلدانها إستقلالها السياسي في بدايات ق 19■
(Kh)
Workers or revolutionary democratic parties?
1- ■ Everything we find in the progressive heritage of some of these societies, in which the development of capitalism is delayed is the peasants' revolutions, which were intersecting in their interests with the beginnings of local national bombers, which began to fight for national independence, that is, for their independence in its national marketsAnd nationalism for the European imperialist bourgeoisie.
The peasants' revolutions were calling for the liberation of the productive forces to the extreme from the feudal and semi -feudal reactionary production relations, and from this historical angle, their interests intersect with the emerging local national bourgeois interests.
الشواهد على مثل هذا التراث التقدمي متعددة في كل من ولايات الإمبراطورية العثمانية بما في ذلك تركيا، مصر، كما وفي إيران، والصين، وأندونيسيا، وغيرها من البلدان. أما الحركة الإشتراكية Democracy فلم يكن لها وجود حتى في هذه البلدان بسبب التعايش والتداخل بين عدة أنماط إنتاجية (رأسمالية، وما قبل رأسمالية) في إطار The economic - social formation في البلد الواحد.
2- ■ This objective reality does not mean that “socialist ideas” did not exist in these societies, but these ideas, and because of the low level of the development of productive forces and the backward characteristic of production relations (backward on the scale of historical development), were confused ideas that overlap in themThe elements of social justice with the elements of Darwinian ideas (relative to the British scientist who proposed the theory of "emergence and upgrading in the development of the human race"), similar to: the older eats the young, and the strong controls the weak, etc. ..
Our Arab societies witnessed such ideas at the beginning of BC, especially in Egypt and the Levant, and a number of thinkers who call for such concepts about classes and class struggle appeared, and about "socialism" and the necessities of organizing workers in private associations that defend their rights and interests.
■ After the First World War, especially after the victory of the October Socialist Revolution in Russia- 1917, progressive parties began to be formed in our Arab region and in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.A number of Marxist clubs and episodes were established from partisan organizations in a number of Arab countries such as the Palestinian Communist Party, the Egyptian Communist Party, the Communist Party in Syria, Lebanon, etc.
وفي مطلع عشرينيات ق 20، أصبحت هذه الأحزاب جزءاً من الحركة العمالية والشيوعية العالمية، التي انضوت منذ العام 1919 في «الأممية الثالثة» (الشيوعية)، أي «الكومنترن»، التي تشكلت لتجاوز «الأممية الثانية» بعد إنقسام الحركة الإشتراكية Democracy على نفسها في الحرب العالمية الأولى.
ومثل هذه الأحزاب تشكل كذلك في العديد من البلدان الآسيوية، والإفريقية، والأميركية - اللاتينية. السؤال الذي يطرح نفسه هنا: هل كانت هذه الأحزاب أحزاباً شيوعية عمالية، أم كانت أحزاباً ديمقراطية ثورية؟ لقد كان للينين، قائد ثورة أكتوبر الإشتراكية في روسيا، الفضل في تقديم إجابة واضحة على هذا السؤال في الإطار النظري والتطبيقي العملي لمفهوم «Democracy الثورية»■
(I)
The social content of revolutionary democracy
And the required alliances
1-■ كثيراً ما تحدث لينين في مؤلفاته عن «Democracy الثورية» في سياق معالجته لأوضاع المجتمعات التي تأخر فيها تطور الرأسمالية، بما في ذلك المناطق الآسيوية في جمهوريات الإتحاد السوڤييتي.
أما في البلدان المُستعمَرة وشبه المُستعمَرة، فكان لينين ينظر لقضاياها التحررية من أكثر من زاوية؛ فمن ناحية، كان يرى في البورجوازيات الوطنية الناشئة في هذه البلدان «مناضلاً غير ثابت من أجل Democracy»، فهي تناضل ضد الإمبريالية، وضد سيطرة رؤوس الأموال الأجنبية على هذه المستعمرات وشبه المستعمرات، ولكنها في نضالها تفضل أن يكون التحول في المجتمع بطيئاً وتدريجياً وحذراً، وبأقل قدر ممكن من المبادرة الثورية للجماهير؛ ومن ناحية أخرى، فهي تخشى الحركة الجماهيرية المنظمة ومبادراتها الثورية وتسعى باستمرار للبحث عن مداخل في علاقتها مع الإمبريالية، ورؤوس الأموال الأجنبية لحجز تطور القوى الثورية في مجتمعاتها.
■ Lenin was aware and emphasized the essence of the emerging national Persian Persian program, and determined the revolutionary tactic in dealing with it;In the circumstances of the struggle for independence, the relations between the colonial bourgeoisie, and the bourgeois colonial bourgeoisie passed through stages of tension, and another from calm, and even rapprochement, which makes the latter - with their support for national movements - at the same time, at the same time, in some expressive cases, against revolutionary movements and classesRevolutionary.
■ ولكن ما هي القوى الطبقية Democracy الثورية في المجتمع بمضمون البرنامج الذي تحمله، وتمضي به حتى نهاياته المظفرة؟ إنها الطبقة العاملة، إنها الطبقة Democracy الثورية بامتياز التي تملك مصلحة ثابتة في إنجاز مهام التحرر الوطني والديمقراطي، وبالمضمون السياسي والإجتماعي معاً، للديمقراطية.
2- However, the working class was in the colonial and semi -colonial countries.Because of this weakness, on the one hand, and the coexistence of multiple production patterns in the countries where capitalist development was late, on the other hand, and in order for the emerging working class to play its avant -garde and revolutionary role, there must be social powers that allied with them.What are these forces (classes, slides, social groups ...), which Lenin called for the working class to alliance with in the colonial and semi -colonial countries?
■ Lenin in this context has attached special importance in this context, specifically - as in the Russian case - the small peasants and poor farmers and wage workers in agriculture and also half of the proletariat (who get a portion of the livelihood from the waged work in agriculture, and the other part of the investment of a piece ofThe land owns it, or rented it).
The peasants were not alone among the forces of the revolutionary class coalition at Lenin.In this context, the call to build this revolutionary class alliance was a natural process in seeking to cause a fundamental change in the proportional and political forces, in favor of workers, the masses of farmers and other hardships.
■ كان الأمر الجوهري في هذا الطرح الموقع القيادي للطبقة العاملة في هذا التحالف الطبقي الثوري؛ والمقصود بالدور القيادي – أساساً – هو قدرة الطبقة العاملة على إقناع هؤلاء الحلفاء وبالتالي جذبهم إلى ميدان المعركة في النضال من أجل الثورة Democracy، ما يفتح الآفاق نحو التطوير اللاحق لهذه الثورة نحو المراحل الإنتقالية التي تُفضي إلى الإشتراكية.
■ ومن أجل أن تضطلع الطبقة العاملة بدورها هذا ينبغي على حزبها، أن يكون حزباً طليعياً من طراز جديد، حزباً يُنظم في صفوفه القوى الطليعية من أبناء العمال وفقراء الفلاحين وسائر الكادحين والمثقفين الثوريين. وعليه، فإن الحركة Democracy الثورية هي الحركة التي تجسد تحالف العمال مع فقراء وصغار الفلاحين وسائر الشغيلة والكادحين، والمثقفين الثوريين (أي شرائح من الفئات الوسطى) الذين يمثلون هذه الفئات ويدافعون عن مصالحها.
3– ■ هذا هو The social content of revolutionary democracy. ولكي يكتسب هذا التحالف سمته Democracy الثابتة والمنسجمة، فإنه ينبغي أن يقوم بمعزل عن قيادة البورجوازية وتأثيراتها. وهذا يعني أن الحركة Democracy الثورية هي الحركة التي تتبنى نهجاً فكرياً وسياسياً يقوم على الإقتناع بالدور القيادي للطبقة العاملة والإسترشاد بنظريتها: الإشتراكية العلمية. هذا هو الشرط الفكري – السياسي للسمة Democracy الثورية لأية حركة، أو حزب سياسي.
■ إن إدراكنا العميق لهذا المفهوم يتطلب التمييز بين الحزب الذي يسلم بالدور الطليعي للطبقة العاملة ويتبنى نظريتها، وبين الحزب البروليتاري؛ فالحزب البروليتاري هو الحزب الذي ينبثق من الحركة النضالية لطبقة عاملة متطورة وواسعة (تحتل موقع القلب فيها الطبقة العاملة الصناعية) ويمثل طليعتها السياسية؛ الحزب الذي يتشكل في تكوينه الإجتماعي من غالبية ثابتة من العمال، والصناعيين منهم بالذات؛ أما الحزب الذي ينبثق من الحركة Democracy للعمال والفلاحين وسائر الشغيلة والكادحين، ويمثل طليعتها السياسية، فهو حزب ديمقراطي ثوري، شرط إكتساب الطبقة العاملة فيه دوراً قيادياً فضلاً عن استرشاده بالإشتراكية العلمية.
■ We can, then, define the Revolutionary Democratic Party as “the party that represents the political vanguard of the alliance of workers, peasants and other hardships, which adopts the theory of the working class, and stems steadily on the way to transform into a proletarian party, in a way that keeps pace with the development of the working class in society (as an objective condition), and its positionSocial and militant (as a subjective condition), and through the steady improvement of its class -social formation by strengthening the role of workers in its organizations and bodies »■
(H)
في البنية الإجتماعية للأحزاب Democracy الثورية
1– ■ بفعل تكوينه الإجتماعي والتزامه الفكري والمباديء التنظيمية القائمة على المركزية Democracy التي تحكم علاقاته الداخلية من جهة، ومع الجماهير من جهة أخرى، بالإمكان القول، إن الحزب الديمقراطي الثوري في البلدان النامية هو الأقرب بسماته إلى الحزب البروليتاري الذي يلتزم النظرية الإشتراكية العلمية (الحزب الشيوعي) في البلدان المتطورة.
The distance between these two patterns of parties finds their objective basis in the variation of economic, social, historical -cultural conditions that these parties work in.
■ وإذا كان بالإمكان تقليص هذه المسافة من خلال تلبية معطيات معيّنة تنعكس إيجاباً على وضع ودور الأحزاب Democracy الثورية: التكوين الإجتماعي، تماسك البنية الداخلية، تطوير الوعي بتضافر عاملي التركيم النضالي والمخزون الثقافي، أسلوب العمل، الصلة مع الحركة الجماهيرية، الخ..، أي ما يسمى – في العادة – الشرط الذاتي، فليس بالإمكان جسر هذه المسافة بين الأحزاب العمالية والأحزاب Democracy الثورية، إلا من خلال إلتقاء الشرط الذاتي مع الشرط الموضوعي من خلال تطور وضع البلدان النامية ذاتها، أي التطور الإقتصادي – الإجتماعي – الثقافي لمجتمعات هذه البلدان؛ وهذا ما يشكل العمود الفقري لبرنامج عمل الأحزاب Democracy الثورية ويقع في صلب مهامها.
■ Accordingly, these parties develop and gradually gain the desired features, as much as they keep pace with the process of objective development in their societies, and to the extent that their role develops in providing the conditions of this economic -social -cultural process, and accelerating them as possible in these societies.
This is the destination that evaluates the correct equation between the objective and self -workers, and the latter is established on the internal partisan development policemen (training, program, awareness, work style ..) and developing the external role, i.e. the act and influence in society and the mass movement with all its components: workers, youth, womenAnd from the middle categories ... to the desired leadership role in society and the political entity (the state).
2- So, there are objective considerations that set boundaries of the issue of transformation from a revolutionary democratic party to the Broletia Party (a Communist Party) that are still proposed among the sober left, from which we do not count some of the marginal trends - including Trotskyism - in the labor and communist movement in the world that does not Acknowledge this; First, it does not evaluate a great weight for the role of the revolutionary allies of the industrial working class; Secondly, it does not establish a great weight for the size and weight of the industrial working class in society. The most important thing is what the party's "proletarian policy" calls regardless of the size and weight of the industrial working class in society, and in the formation of the party.
لسان حال هذه الإتجاهات يقول: يكفي أن تسير القيادة على خطى سياسة بروليتارية لتسهم في تطوير دور الطبقة العاملة في The revolutionary process. مثل هذه السياسة لا تؤسس لوضع سليم، إذ لا تكتمل سياسة الحزب ما لم يحرص على توسيع صفوفه أساساً بالفصيلة الطليعية من الطبقة العاملة، وشريحتها الصناعية بالتحديد، الأمر الذي يفترض بدوره تعيين: وجودها، تمركزها، نسبتها من إجمالي العمالة، الخ...
3-■ إن هذه الإعتبارات لا تعطل الإمكانيات المتاحة لتحسين دور وأداء الأحزاب Democracy الثورية في الصراع الراهن؛ لكن، وبالمقابل، فإن هذه الإعتبارات الموضوعية تضع على أجندة هذه الأحزاب ضرورة السعي لتطوير بنيتها بإتجاه الطبقة العاملة من جهة، والفئات الوسطى من جهة أخرى. قد تبدو تلبية متطلبات هذين الأمرين – للوهلة الأولى – متعاكسة فيما بينها، ولكنها – في حقيقة الأمر – ليست هكذا، إذا ما أخضعناها لشيء من التدقيق:
A) ■ The social formation of the Revolutionary Democratic Party - as previously mentioned - derives its elements from the social training - class in society, whose training in developing countries differs from its counterpart in the advanced industrial capitalist countries, that is, the countries whose way of its capitalist development is early.
It is true that the industrial working class in developing countries has evolved in size and quality, especially as the conditions for the growth of an industrial working class in extractive industries and manufacturing industries provided, and the demographic and social advantages of the industrial proletariat improved, but it is compared to the size of the workforce is still relatively weak and measuring the size of the population weaker.
At the same time, the revolutionary allies of the industrial working class in these countries constitute a much larger numerical force than the strength of the industrial working class, and these people do not have the physical advantages of the industrial working class, they separated them from production means weaker and their position in production relations is less coherent.
Therefore, in the process of partisan construction, the Revolutionary Democratic Party should constantly be keen to expand its ranks from the industrial working class and production workers mainly, so that its ranks and relationships with the masses prevail with those advantages that the industrial working class acquires through its relationship to production means, and through its position in relationshipsProduction.
B) ■ In developing societies, the ranks of the middle groups expand (including the modern bourgeois, the modern bourgeoisie to distinguish it from the traditional small bourgeoisie) for many considerations: the state apparatus is enlarged through its increasing absorption of the workforce, as well as the matter for private sector companies and institutions in the services sector, such as financial and banking institutions and institutionsHealth, private education, housing, shops and other service institutions, and these accommodate wide numbers of workforce.
■ إن هذه الفئات شديدة التنوع وقطاع واسع منها ينتمي إلى جمهور الكادحين دون شك، وإلى هذا الجمهور يتوجه الحزب الديمقراطي الثوري، فهو يشكل قوة سياسية واجتماعية فائقة الأهمية في العملية التحررية الوطنية وDemocracy (بشقيها السياسي والإجتماعي)، وهو – أي هذا الجمهور- الحليف الرئيسي والأهم للطبقة العاملة في الحالة الفلسطينية على نحو التخصيص.
■ The Revolutionary Democratic Party is in this direction, as it seeks to win this social force very influential and act to the ranks of the forces of revolution and democratic and social change, but at the same time it is beaten - affected by its values resulting from its weakness in the means of production, and given its least coherent position on existing production relationsBased on the private ownership of the means of production.
■ إن الفئات الوسطى تشكل قوة إجتماعية ذات تأثير حاسم في ترجيح نسبة القوى لصالح البرنامج الديمقراطي الثوري وثيق الصلة بتطلعات الطبقة العاملة، إذا ما أجادت القوى القيّمة على هذا البرنامج، إدارة دفة التحالفات التي تحقق أهداف ذات منحى تصاعدي متدرج في تلبية المصالح الوطنية وDemocracy السياسية والإجتماعية لـ «كتلة تاريخية»، تكون الفئات الوسطى في قلبها مع الطبقة العاملة التي تلعب في هذا الإطار دوراً سياسياً متميِّزاً لمواصفاتها التاريخية المتميّزة في علاقات الإنتاج■
1989-2013
الجبهة Democracy: حزب يساري ديمقراطي،
From the heart of the broad revolutionary democratic current
[■ في أكثر من موقع وسياق، تحدد وثيقتا The internal system وPolitical program For the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (ج.د) الصادرتين عن مؤتمرها الوطني العام السابع – 2018، هويتها الطبقية والفكرية، كحزب يساري ديمقراطي، ينتسب إلى صلب التيار الديمقراطي الثوري العريض في حركة التحرر الوطني والديمقراطي الفلسطينية والعربية. وفي مايلي ستتم الإشارة إلى النصوص ذات الصلة، كما وردت في وثيقتي The internal system وPolitical program:]
(1)
The internal system
1-■ تنص an introduction The internal system (1- Definition and goals) في الفقرات 1، 2، 3، و7 على مايلي:
- الفقرة 1: «The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (ج.د) حزب يساري ديمقراطي، وهي إتحاد اختياري لمناضلات ومناضلين من العمال والفلاحين والفئات الوسطى وسائر الكادحين، ومن المرأة والشباب، من أجل التحرر الوطني الناجز لشعب فلسطين ومستقبله الإشتراكي».
- الفقرة 2: «تسترشد ج.د بالإشتراكية العلمية كA method for analyzing social reality, and a guide to work to change it».
- Paragraph 3: “J
- الفقرة 7: «إن إنجاز مهام التحرر الوطني والديمقراطي فلسطينياً وعربياً، وقيام علاقات وحدوية بين الأقطار العربية يرسي المقدمات السياسية والمادية الضرورية لتدشين مرحلة إنتقال تاريخية تضطلع الطبقة العاملة خلالها بدور قيادي في المجتمع على أساس من Democracy والتعددية من أجل بناء الإشتراكية، وإلغاء إستغلال الإنسان للإنسان بكافة أشكاله».
2-■ أما المبدأ التنظيمي الذي تقوم عليه ج.د، فينص The internal system (2- The basic organizational principle)، على مايلي:
- الفقرة 2: «إن المركزية Democracy هي في الأساس تعبير عن المزايا المادية الموضوعية التي تتوفر لدى الشريحة المتقدمة للطبقة العاملة والتي تكتسبها الطبقة العاملة بعمومها، تدريجياً، من نمط حياتها وتطور دورها في المجتمع والإنتاج: مزايا الجماعية وتقسيم العمل، والوحدة المتزايدة للمصالح النهائية للطبقة العاملة، والتماسك في صفوفها، والإنضباط وروح المثابرة والصبر وطول النفس، والقدرة على رؤية مصالح مجموع الشعب، والتقدير الدقيق لنسبة القوى في الصراع الناشب بين الشعب وأعدائه».
- الفقرة 4: «إن مبدأ المركزية Democracy كموجه للعلاقة مع الجماهير يعني الإنغراس العميق في الحركة الجماهيرية، وأن الحزب هو فصيل طليعي يأبى الإنعزال عن هذه الحركة ولا يتأخر عن ركبها، وهو يتعلم من الجماهير ويتمثل همومها ومشكلاتها وتجاربها، ويدافع عن مصالح الطبقة العاملة وجماهير الشعب ويقود نضالها اليومي وينظمه ويربطه بالنضال الوطني العام؛ وكونه يعتمد على طاقات الجماهير المنظمة في إنجاز العمل الثوري، فهو يثابر على العمل في أوساط الجماهير وعلى تنظيمها في النقابات والإتحادات والمنظمات الشعبية، وغيرها من الأطر والمؤسسات الجماهيرية والإجتماعية والأهلية»■
(a)
Political program
1-■ Chapter One: 4- القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية
Paragraph 5: “The working class, with its close democratic alliance with the poor of farmers, middle groups and other hard -working people, as well as the widest sectors of youth and women, is the objective class that is objective to lead the national liberation revolution to the decisive victory.
The open historical horizon of the development of the working class, the increasing social weight that it occupies in the ranks of the people, in particular, and the growing advantages of discipline and internal cohesion that characterizes its advanced slide, and its radical interest in liberation from the imperial -Zionist yoke, and the development of its ability to represent the interests of the sum of the peopleAnd on the proper appreciation of the proportion of the forces between him and his enemies, it makes it able to provide a class vanguard and democratic alliances that lead the liberation national revolution towards its goals.
The struggle for the organization of the working class in various forms and enhancing its weight in the political, democratic and social battle, provides the conditions for enabling it to play its required role objectively in the path of the liberation national revolution.
Paragraph 6: “The working class and its organized forces exercise its avant -garde role in the course of the struggle for national liberation, by ensuring the unification of other classes of the people and strengthening the alliance among them within the framework of a united national front of the common struggle against the occupation and the Zionist settlement colonialism [...]».
- الفقرة 7: «[...] إن تحالف القوى الإجتماعية Democracy من عمال وفلاحين وفئات وسطى وسائر الكادحين، فضلاً عن أوسع قطاعات المرأة والشباب، هو الضمانة الأكيدة لتوطيد الجبهة الوطنية المتحدة وضمان إلتزامها الثابت بالبرنامج الوطني. وتسعى قوى الطبقة العاملة إلى تعزيز وحدة هذه القوى Democracy وائتلافها لتشكل نواة صلبة للتحالف الوطني العريض».
2-■ Chapter III: الثورة الفلسطينية في المجال العربي، 1- الثورة الفلسطينية وحركة التحرر الوطني والديمقراطي العربية
- الفقرة 4: «إن الخروج من هذا المأزق أصبح، أكثر من أي وقت مضى، رهناً بنهوض تحالف عريض يضم أوسع القوى الوطنية وDemocracy والليبرالية والعلمانية، وفي القلب منها قوى الطبقة العاملة، كقيادة جديدة وكفؤة لحركة التحرر الوطني وDemocracy العربية». [ ملاحظة: المقصود بـ «المأزق»، هو ما ورد في الفقرة 3 حول ما يتهدد مصير الشعوب العربية ومكانتها في عالم اليوم من مخاطر، بفعل التخلف والعجز عن الإفلات من الحلقة المفرغة للتبعية، والتخلف، الخ..].
3-■ the fourth chapter: الثورة الفلسطينية في عالمنا المعاصر
1- الثورة الفلسطينية في بعدها الدولي، الفقرة 3: «إن الثورة الفلسطينية، وحركة التحرر الوطني العربية عموماً، جزء لا يتجزأ من النضال الذي تخوضه شعوب العالم، وفي الan introduction الطبقة العاملة، ضد الإمبريالية. وعلى عاتق الطلائع الثورية للطبقة العاملة وحلفائها من القوى Democracy وعموم الكادحين، تقع مسؤولية توحيد وتنسيق هذا النضال لبناء أممية من طراز جديد، تراعي الخصائص الوطنية للحركة الثورية في كل بلد، وتحترم إستقلالها وخياراتها الحرة، لتنير طريق البشرية نحو الغد الإشتراكي».
2- في السياسة والعلاقات الدولية، الفقرة 2: «إن ج.د جزء من حركة الطبقة العاملة العربية والعالمية، ومن هذا المنطلق فهي تسعى إلى: أ) تعزيز أواصر الأخوة والتساند الكفاحي مع شعوب العالم المناضلة في سبيل حقها في تعزيز مصيرها بحرية، من أجل التحرر الوطني وDemocracy والمساواة والعدالة الإجتماعية؛ ب) توطيد التضامن الأممي بين الطبقات العاملة في كل البلدان في النضال المشترك من أجل إنتصار الإشتراكية»■
(P)
الهوية الطبقية والفكرية للجبهة Democracy
[For more briefing on this title, it is useful to return to the article entitled “On the theoretical basis of the internal system”, pp. 211-221 from the book “The Renewal Labor ... 1988-1998”, Book No. 7 of the series “In Contemporary Palestinian Political Thought”From the publications of the Palestinian Center for Documentation and Information (File).1st floor: December 2013.]
1-■ من خلال الإستشهادات المار ذكرها يتبيَّن مدى الوضوح الذي اتسم به تحديد الهوية الطبقية للجبهة Democracy، إن بالتعريف، أو تحديد أهداف النضال، أو بThe basic organizational principle، أو بموقع الطبقة العاملة الحيوي، ودورها القيادي، ضمن نسق القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية، في بناء تحالف القوى الإجتماعية Democracy، الذي يشكل الضمانة الأكيدة لتوطيد أركان الجبهة الوطنية المتحدة، وضمان إلتزامها الثابت بالبرنامج الوطني الجامع، ما يكتسي أيضاً أبعاده العربية والدولية، إنطلاقاً من اعتبار ج.د نفسها جزءاً من حركة الطبقة العاملة العربية والعالمية.
■ إن إبراز الهوية الطبقية للجبهة Democracy، يحدد موقعها الطبقي ومبدأها التنظيمي وخيارها البرنامجي في سياق النضال الوطني التحرري من أجل انتصار أهداف النضال الوطني، الذي تجمع عليه طبقات الشعب كافة من خلال مختلف الإتجاهات السياسية التي تمثلها، وتعكس تحالفاتها. وفي هذا الإطار، تعتبر الـ ج.د التعددية السياسية مصدراً للقوة بالنسبة للحركة الفلسطينية، كما تعتبر التعددية التنظيمية في إطار حركة الطبقة العاملة مصدراً لفعالية دور اليسار الفلسطيني في دائرة العمل الوطني الأوسع.
2-■ الهوية الفكرية للجبهة Democracy تُكمِّل هويتها الطبقية، لا بل هي أساس الحفاظ على هذه الهوية وصونها، ذلك أن تحديد الهوية الطبقية لحزب يساري ديمقراطي، يستتبع طرح ما يترتب على هذه الهوية من منهج فكري يتسلح به الحزب لتحليل الواقع، أي الواقع المادي الإجتماعي، لفهم تناقضاته، حركته، إتجاهه الرئيسي، في النضال الوطني التحرري، من موقع رؤية الفئات الإجتماعية التي يمثل مصالحها، لمسار هذا النضال، ولتغيير الواقع كي يستجيب لهذه المصالح الوطنية والإجتماعية ويلبيها.
In this sense, the intellectual approach adopted by JIts required role, one of the main conditions required, in order for the Palestinian national movement to achieve its goals ■
2018
Appendix 1
an introduction The internal system - 2018
(1)
Definition and goals
1– The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (ج. د. ت. ف) حزب يساري ديمقراطي، وهي إتحاد إختياري لمناضلات ومناضلين من العمال والفلاحين والفئات الوسطى وسائر الكادحين، ومن المرأة والشباب، من أجل التحرر الوطني الناجز لشعب فلسطين ومستقبله الإشتراكي.
2– تسترشد The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine بالإشتراكية العلمية كA method for analyzing social reality, and a guide to work to change it.
3– الجبهة Democracy هي جزء من حركة الطبقة العاملة الفلسطينية، وهي تعمل لتوطيد العلاقة الكفاحية بين فصائلها وسائر مكوناتها.
4- In the current historical stage of the struggle of the Palestinian people, the stage of national liberation, the Palestinian working class fights at the forefront of the Palestinian national movement in order to achieve its national goals of the right to return, self -determination, and the residence of the independent state of Palestine in full sovereignty over the Palestinian territories in the West Bank and Gaza Strip with Jerusalem as its capital., On the limits of June 4, 1967.
5- The reality of occupation in the occupied Palestinian territories in 67, and the reality of waste, uprooting, displacement, discrimination and attempts to obscure the Palestinian national identity outside it, constitutes the objective basis for the unity of the total classes of the people in the struggle for the achievement of national liberation and the emancipation of the Zionist imperial light.
On the other hand, narrow segments of the parasitic bourgeoisie, compradorian and bureaucratic groups integrated into it, find their interest in consolidating the projects of solutions, and solutions that affect the interests of the Palestinian people or detract from their national rights.From this location, these segments tend to truce with occupation and dependence on its dictations.
إن The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine تسعى لتوطيد وحدة طبقات الشعب وقواه الوطنية في مختلف أماكن تواجده داخل الوطن وخارجه في إطار منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، وتعزيز الإئتلاف الوطني الشامل في إطارها على قاعدة برنامجها وبما يرسخ مكانتها ودورها كممثل شرعي ووحيد للشعب الفلسطيني.
6- Achieving the goals of the Palestinian people represented in the right of return and self -determination and the fully sovereign Palestinian state opens the way for the struggle for a fundamental democratic solution to the Palestinian national issue that meets the full national rights of the Palestinian people in their homeland under a democratic, unified, liberal, Zionism and imperial influence,The two peoples coexist on the basis of national equality and away from any form of discrimination and national, racist and religious persecution.
7– إن إنجار مهام التحرر الوطني والديمقراطي فلسطينياً وعربياً، وقيام علاقات وحدوية بين الأقطار العربية يرسي المقدمات السياسية والمادية الضرورية لتدشين مرحلة إنتقال تاريخية تضطلع الطبقة العاملة خلالها بدور قيادي في المجتمع على أساس من Democracy والتعددية من أجل بناء الإشتراكية وإلغاء إستغلال الإنسان للإنسان بكافة أشكاله■
(a)
The basic organizational principle
1– إن The basic organizational principle الذي تقوم عليه الجبهة Democracy هو المركزية Democracy، التي تَنْظُمْ علاقاتها الداخلية وتوجه علاقاتها مع الجماهير. وهي تعبير عن وحدة الإرادة والفكر والعمل بين جميع منظمات الحزب ومناضليه، والضمانة الأكيدة لها.
2– إن المركزية Democracy هي في الأساس تعبير عن المزايا المادية الموضوعية التي تتوفر لدى الشريحة المتقدمة للطبقة العاملة والتي تكتسبها الطبقة العاملة بعمومها، تدريجياً، من نمط حياتها وتطور دورها في المجتمع والإنتاج: مزايا الجماعية وتقسيم العمل، والوحدة المتزايدة للمصالح النهائية للطبقة العاملة، والتماسك في صفوفها، والإنضباط وروح المثابرة والصبر وطول النفس والقدرة على رؤية مصالح مجموع الشعب، والتقدير الدقيق لنسبة القوى في الصراع الناشب بين الشعب وأعدائه.
3– إن المركزية Democracy كمبدأ لصياغة العلاقات الحزبية الداخلية تضمن ال لجميع أعضاء الحزب ومنظماته في رسم سياسته، وتشكيل الهيئات القيادية بالإنتخابات، وممارسة الرقابة الحزبية من أدنى إلى أعلى وبالعكس، وإلتزام الأقلية برأي الأغلبية وقراراتها، والهيئات الدنيا بقرارات الهيئات العليا، وكافة منظمات الحزب بقرارات اللجنة المركزية والمؤتمر الوطني العام، مع ضمان حق الأقلية في أن تعبر عن رأيها وأن تناضل في سبيله من خلال الأطر والقنوات الحزبية، وممارسه مبدأ القيادة الجماعية في التقرير والمسؤولية الفردية في التنفيذ، وانتهاج أسلوب النقد والنقد الذاتي من أجل تصحيح الأخطاء وتقويم أسلوب العمل الحزبي، ومعالجة النواقص والثغرات لدى الأعضاء والهيئات.
4– إن مبدأ المركزية Democracy كموجه للعلاقة مع الجماهير يعني الإنغراس العميق في الحركة الجماهيرية، وأن الحزب هو فصيل طليعي يأبى الإنعزال عن هذه الحركة ولا يتأخر عن ركبها، وهو يتعلم من الجماهير ويتمثل همومها ومشكلاتها وتجاربها، ويدافع عن مصالح الطبقة العاملة وجماهير الشعب ويقود نضالها اليومي وينظمه ويربطه بالنضال الوطني العام؛ وكونه يعتمد على طاقات الجماهير المنظمة في إنجاز العمل الثوري، فهو يثابر على العمل في أوساط الجماهير وعلى تنظيمهافي النقابات والإتحادات والمنظمات الشعبية وغيرها من الأطروالمؤسسات الجماهيرية والإجتماعية والأهلية■
(P)
The components of the organization
1– يتكون تنظيم The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine من منظماتها الحزبية في الوطن، وفي أقطار اللجوء والشتات، وفي بلدان المهجر، وفي البلدان التي تقيم فيها جاليات فلسطينية لأغراض العمل أو الدراسة، كما وفي مجالات العمل الأخرى.
2– إنطلاقاً من أواصر الأخوة والوحدة المصيرية التي تربط بين الشعبين الشقيقين الأردني والفلسطيني، وإدراكاً لخصوصية الوضع الذي يعيشه أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني في الأردن، كونهم جزء من الشعب الفلسطيني الموحد في إطار حركته الوطنية الفلسطينية المستقلة، وهم في الوقت نفسه يندمجون إندماجاً عضوياً في المجتمع الأردني كمواطنين متساوين في الحقوق والواجبات، ما يملي إنخراطهم في النضال الوطني الديمقراطيفي إطار الحركة الوطنية الأردنية، فإن The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine تحتفظ بعلاقة كفاحية مع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الأردني تكفل قراراً مشتركاً في القضايا التي تشكل عناصر التداخل بين الحركتين الوطنيتين، وفقاً لإطار العمل المشترك المقر ما بين الحزبين■
Appendix 2
من Chapter One للبرنامج السياسي - 2018
(4)
القوى الإجتماعية Motor للثورة الوطنية التحررية
1- The achievement of national liberation and emancipation from the Zionist imperial yoke responds to the interests and aspirations of the Palestinian people in all its classes and various gatherings:
A) In the 48 regions;The people of the Palestinian people within Israel suffer from the reality of monotheism and national digestion and from the policy of racial discrimination, confiscating their national and cultural rights, placing the hand on their lands and Judaizing it, and depriving them of the civil rights guaranteed by the right to citizenship.
B) in the diaspora countries;The reality of waste, uprooting and discrimination is crushed by the interests of all groups of the Palestinian people and their social segments, and impedes their ambition to return to home and self -determination freely on the homeland.
C) In the occupied homeland in 67; All classes of the people suffer from the policies of annexation, settlement, Judaization, the plunder of the land, the integration, the economic attachment, the repression, the obliteration of the national identity, the culture, and the violation of the sanctity of the places of religious sanctities. And you find all the classes of the people, workers, peasants, middle groups, and national bourgeoisie, including the skilled segments of major owners and capitalists, who find their interest in getting rid of the yoke of the occupation and extracting the right to self -determination and national independence. All of these classes and social segments in ambition shares freedom from the Zionist yoke, but its role in the national struggle against occupation and Zionism varies due to the variation of its interests.
2- The narrow segments of the parasitic bourgeoisie, the compradorian and the bureaucratic groups integrated in it, by virtue of the intertwining interests between them and the international monopolistic capital on the one hand, and their integration into the counterpart Arab boguetics on the otherThe Palestinian people or detract from their national rights.From this location, these segments tend to truce with occupation and dependence on its dictations.
3- The national bourgeois segments, relatively independent of imperialism, played an important role in leading the national movement of our people inside and outside the country. But this layer, in light of the cosmic imperialism, lacks an open historical horizon for its development and is governed by either the either or by the steady shift to the combaradori site. Therefore, despite the importance of its participation in the anti -occupation national struggle, the national bourgeoisiests are spreading, and it lacks confidence in the revolutionary energies and initiatives of the popular masses, and some of its segments show an increasing tendency to retreat in front of imperial pressure and spread among them defeatist trends.
4– تؤدي الفئات الوسطى بشرائحها المختلفة دوراً حيوياً وفعالاً في مجرى الثورة الوطنية التحررية، ولكنها تفتقر إلى التجانس الداخلي الذي يُمكِّنها من إحتلال موقع الطليعة الطبقية للثورة. إن موقعها البيني والرجراج حيال سائر الطبقات، إذ يحد من قدرتها على بلورة برنامج نضالي ملموس لتعبئة جماهير الشعب تحت قيادتها، فإنه لا ينال من حقيقة كون الفئات الوسطى إحدى القوى الإجتماعية الرئيسية Motor للثورة. ويبرز هنا، بشكل خاص، دور الفلاحين والمزارعين الذين يتعرضون للسحق والتدمير بفعل هيمنة إسرائيل الإقتصادية وتحكمها بالسوق ومصادر المياه والأرض وتوسعها الإستيطاني، الأمر الذي يجعلهم قوة إجتماعية ذات طاقة ثورية مهمة في مجرى النضال الوطني التحرري.
5- The working class, with its close democratic alliance with the poor farmers, middle groups, and other hardships, as well as the widest sectors of youth and women, is the objective class to lead the national liberation revolution to the decisive victory.
The open historical horizon of the development of the working class, the increasing social weight that it occupies in the ranks of the people, in particular, and the growing advantages of discipline and internal cohesion that characterizes its advanced slide, and its radical interest in liberation from the imperial -Zionist yoke, and the development of its ability to represent the interests of the sum of the peopleAnd on the proper appreciation of the proportion of the forces between him and his enemies, it makes it able to provide a class vanguard and democratic alliances that lead the liberation national revolution towards its goals.
The struggle for the organization of the working class in various forms and enhancing its weight in the political, democratic and social battle provides conditions for enabling it to play its required role objectively in the path of the liberation national revolution.
6- The working class and its organized forces exercise its avant -garde role, in the course of the struggle for national liberation, by ensuring the unification of other classes of the people and strengthening the alliance among them within the framework of a united national front of the common struggle against the occupation and Zionist settlement colonialism.
The national unity of all classes of the people against the national enemy is a vital task that derives its necessity not only from the need, to mobilize the energies of the entire people and mobilize them to confront the enemy's superiority, but also from the necessity of preserving the unity of the Palestinian people and the unity of their national rights, in various places of its presence, and enhancing the cohesion of its national entityThe independence of his national movement in confronting the process of national waste, displacement, attachment and guardianship he is exposed to.
7- The conditions of uprooting, dispelling, occupying and discrimination suffered by all classes of the Palestinian people in various places of their presence, constitute the objective base for the establishment of the United National Front that includes all the forces against Zionism, occupation and settlement colonialism, regardless of their class affiliation and ideological trends.
إن سياسة الائتلاف الوطني العريض لا تنبثق من تجاهل حقيقة وجود التناقضات في المصالح بين طبقات الشعب وشرائحه الإجتماعية حتى في سياق النضال المشترك من أجل التحرر الوطني، بل هي تستند إلى إدراك إمكانية وضرورة تغليب التناقض الرئيسي مع العدو القومي على أية تناقضات أخرى في صفوف الشعب وإمكانية وضرورة حلها بالوسائل Democracy وبالإحتكام إلى المصلحة الوطنية العليا للشعب بأسره. إن صون التحالف الوطني العريض وتماسكه يتطلبان إرساءه على أسس ديمقراطية تكفل الإلتزام ببرنامج وطني للنضال المشترك ضد الإحتلال والصهيونية، واحترام وصون الإستقلال الفكري والسياسي والتنظيمي لكافة أطراف التحالف، ومشاركتها Democracy في صوغ القرار الوطني، وحق تبادل النقد فيما بينها في إطار التحالف والوحدة.
إن تحالف القوى الإجتماعية Democracy من عمال وفلاحين وفئات وسطى وسائر الكادحين فضلاً عن أوسع قطاعات المرأة والشباب، هو الضمانة الأكيدة لتوطيد الجبهة الوطنية المتحدة وضمان إلتزامها الثابت بالبرنامج الوطني. وتسعى قوى الطبقة العاملة إلى تعزيز وحدة هذه القوى Democracy وإئتلافها لتشكل نواة صلبة للتحالف الوطني العريض.
8– إن التحرر من النير الإمبريالي – الصهيوني هو، موضوعياً وفي التحليل الأخير، لمصلحة الطبقة العاملة وسائر الشرائح الكادحة وDemocracy في المجتمع الإسرائيلي. إنه يعني تجريد عملية التشكل القومي للشعب الإسرائيلي من سماتها الإستعمارية - الإستيطانية والعدوانية الغاصبة، ويحررها من الإعتماد الدائم على الدعم الإمبريالي ويوفر الشروط لتطورها على أسس طبيعية.
And if the material and moral privileges provided by the Zionist project for the Israeli Jews, at the expense of the displacement and exploitation of the Palestinian people, hinder the awareness of the hardships of them to this fact, and explain the penetration of the Zionist ideology and the tendency of national arrogance in their ranks, the escalation of the national liberation struggle of the Palestinian people and other Arab peoples against Zionism and their expansion ambitions , And the exacerbation of the internal crises in Israel, will lead to the exposure of the false nature of the Zionist solution and the temporary feature of the privileges it provides, and it will develop the conviction that the only way to permanent and strong peace is the coexistence between the two peoples in Palestine is a unified democracy ■
Reference
[ إغناء للمواضيع والقضايا الواردة في هذا الكتاب، نُحيل القاريء، المهتم إلى الوثائق والدراسات الصادرة عن الجبهة Democracy، والتي وجدت طريقها إلى الكتب الصادرة ضمن سلسلة «في الفكر السياسي الفلسطيني المعاصر» (فيما يتبع: «السلسلة»). وفيما يلي ثبت بهذه المراجع ذات الصلة بموضوع الكتاب:]
■ First- “Palestinian Resistance ... 1970- In light of the duplication of power,” Book No. 3 of the “Series”.1: 6/2007:
من وثائق المؤتمر الوطني الأول للجبهة Democracy– 1970، الفصل بعنوان: «خامساً- بناء الطليعة اليسارية.. مسألة الجبهة والحزب» (ص207-221).
Second- “Theoretical Issues .. in Socialism, the Capitalism Crisis, and Secularism”, Book No. 6 of the “Series”.1: 1/2012:
من وثائق المؤتمر الوطني العام الثالث للجبهة Democracy- 1994، الجزء بعنوان: «موضوعات حول التجربة الإشتراكية وأزمة الرأسمالية المعاصرة» (ص11–213)، بالفصول التالية:
1- “The features of the left crisis and its intellectual manifestations” (pp. 13-60).
2- “Issues and concepts from the perspective of Marxism” (pp. 61-91).
3- “The Soviet model of the transition to socialism .. factors of collapse and extracted lessons” (pp. 93-134).
4- “Marxism and the process of moving to socialism ... terms and concepts” (pp. 135-163).
5- «الرأسمالية المعاصرة في مرحلتها Advanced imperialism» (ص165-213).
■ Third- “Renewal labor .. 1988-1998” Book No. 7 of “Series”.1: 12/2013:
«In the organizational issue» (ص13-18).
"About the theoretical foundations of the internal system- 1994" (pp. 211-221).
■ Fourth- “The Appeal and Victory Contract .. 1972-1994”, Book No. 13 of the “Series”.2nd edition: 2/2019:
من وثائق المؤتمر الوطني العام الثاني للجبهة Democracy- 1981، الجزء الأول: «حركة التحرر الوطني العربية ومعضلات الصراع ضد التحالف الإمبريالي - الصهيوني- الرجعي» (ص15-143)، بالفصول التالية:
1- “Global imperialism, its interests and plans in the Arab region” (pp. 17-44).
2- “The Arab reaction colluded with the imperial-Zionist plan” (pp. 45-58).
3- «البورجوازية الوطنية ومهمات الثورة الوطنية Democracy» (ص59-87).
4- “In building the United National Front .. the issue of alliances” (pp. 89-106).
5- «قيادة طبقية جديدة للثورة الوطنية Democracy.. نحو وحدة القوى اليسارية وDemocracy الثورية» (ص107-125).
6- «الثورة الوطنية Democracy – حركة التحرر الوطني العربية» (ص127-143).
Fifth- “Contract of Resilience and Options .. 1982-1994”, Book No. 14 of the “Series”.1: 3/2019:
من وثائق المؤتمر الوطني العام الثالث للجبهة Democracy- 1994، الجزء الأول: «تطورات الوضع الدولي والإقليمي وسياسات الجبهة Democracy منذ مطلع الثمانينيات- ق 20» (ص11-143)، بالأبواب التالية:
Chapter One: “The international situation since the beginning of the eighties” (pp. 13-34).
Chapter Two: “In the face of wars of attrition, fragmentation, and projects of liquidating the Palestinian issue” (pp. 35-120), it includes 4 chapters, we refer to two of them:
1- “Oil and vital interests of the global imperialist system” (pp. 37-47).
2- “American settlement projects .. dismantling and generalizing the Camp David” (pp. 49-74).
Chapter Three: “In the Arab dimensions of confrontation and the prevailing international situation” (pp. 121-143), it includes two chapters:
1- “The Arab dimensions of confrontation and the prevailing international situation” (pp. 121-134).
2- “Horizons of the International Support” (pp. 135-143).
Sixth- “In Scientific Socialism, Civil State, Transitional Societies”, Book No. 15 of the “Series”.1: 6/2020:
من وثائق المؤتمر الوطني العام الثالث للجبهة Democracy- 1994، القسم الأول: «موضوعات في الإشتراكية العلمية.. في النظرية والممارسة، في المنهج والتجربة التاريخية، في المجتمعات الإنتقالية» (ص9-111)، بالفصول التالية:
1- “The features of the left crisis and its intellectual manifestations ... elements of the crisis, criticism of the liberal discourse, between political openness and intellectual openness, between“ reforming ”and“ revolutionary realism ”(pp. 15-57).
2- “The transition to socialism, imperialism, derivative strategies” (pp. 59-76).
3- «Issues and concepts from the perspective of scientific socialism» (ص77-111).
من إصدارات مكتب التثقيف المركزي في الجبهة Democracy، القسم الثالث: «في الإشتراكية العلمية، Social forces in the national liberation stage» (ص179-264)، بالفصول التالية:
1- “On Scientific Socialism” (pp. 181-199).
2- «Social forces in the national liberation stage» (ص201-237).
3- مدخل To political economy (ص239-264).
■ Seventh- “About the Soviet model of the transition to socialism,” Book No. 16 of the “Series”.2nd edition: 6/2020:
من الوثائق التحضيرية للمؤتمر الوطني العام الثالث للجبهة Democracy- 1993، بثلاثة أقسام وملحقين (ص9-292):
The first section: “1917-1950” (pp. 9-94), includes 4 chapters:
1 - “The October Revolution and contradictions in its path” (pp. 11-22).
2- “Civil War .. 1918-1921, and Communism of the War” (pp. 23-43).
3- “The end of the war, and the new economic policy .. 1921-1927” (pp. 45-71).
4- “The Soviet Model after Lenin” (pp. 73-94).
Aids for the first section (pp. 263-277).
The second section: «1950-1991» (pp. 95-220), includes 4 chapters:
1 - “The accelerated development of the process of transition, and its contradictions” (pp. 97-128).
2- “The exacerbation of contradictions in the Soviet society” (pp. 129-159).
3- “In light of the international balance and the cold war, the aggravation of the transition to socialism” (pp. 161-180).
4- “The Peristroika and the Victory of Reddah” (pp. 181-220).
Appendix the second section (pp. 279-292).
The third section: “The path of the Soviet experience” (pp. 221-262), includes two chapters:
1 - “The path of Soviet experience and its collapse factors” (pp. 223-244).
2- “The lessons extracted from the Soviet experience” (pp. 245-262).
Eighth- “Contemporary capitalism in its outskirts”, Book No. 17 of “Al-Silsa”: 2nd edition: 2020:
من الوثائق التحضيرية للمؤتمر الوطني العام الثالث للجبهة Democracy- 1993، بأربعة أقسام (ص9-278):
القسم الأول: «مقدمات نظرية (1/2) In political economy لنمط الإنتاج الرأسمالي» (ص9-100)، يضم an introduction + 4 فصول:
an introduction (ص11-16).
1- “Marx: About the contradictions of capitalism and the laws of its development” (pp. 17-38).
2- “Lenin: About the contradictions of capitalism, and consequently its development” (pp. 39-49).
3- “Topics about Contemporary Capitalism” (pp. 51-78).
4- “Political economy, categories and concepts” (pp. 79-100).
The second section: “Introductions to theory (2/2)- the working class, the middle classes, the bourgeois economy crisis” (pp. 101-144), includes two chapters:
1- “The working class and middle classes” (pp. 107-126).
2- “The Bourgy Economic Science crisis” (pp. 127-144).
القسم الثالث: «In political economy.. نموذج البلدان النامية» (ص145-188)، يضم an introduction + فصلين:
an introduction (ص147-148).
1- “The capitalism of the parties: the intensification of imperial looting, and the growing component features” (pp. 149-164).
2- “The imperial looting of developing countries, and its current economic and social effects” (pp. 165-188).
القسم الرابع: «In political economy.. نموذج البلدان العربية» (ص189-278)، يضم an introduction + 4 فصول:
an introduction (ص191-195)
1- “The features of the subordinate capitalist development in the Arab countries” (pp. 197-205).
2- “The comprador deepens dependency .. the model of the Arab oil exporting countries” (pp. 207-226).
3- “The comprador deepens dependency .. the model of the semi-oil and non-oil countries” (pp. 227-250).
4- “The inability to independent development” (pp. 251-278).
■ Ninth- "Contemporary capitalism in its centers", Book No. 18 of the "Series".2nd edition: 10/2020:
من الوثائق التحضيرية للمؤتمر الوطني العام الثالث للجبهة Democracy- 1993، بخمسة أقسام (ص7- 278):
القسم الأول: «تطور الرأسمالية حتى نهاية ستينيات ق 20» (ص7-68)، يضم an introduction + 3 فصول:
an introduction ( ص9-11).
1- “Crises between the two wars, self-renewal after World War II” (pp. 13-23)
2- “The emergence of monopolies over nationalism” (pp. 25-44).
3- “Imperial looting, periodic crises” (pp. 45-68).
القسم الثاني: «تطور الرأسمالية في سبعينيات ق 20، ومطلع ثمانينياته» (ص69-120)، يضم an introduction + 3 فصول:
an introduction (ص71-72).
1- “The development of profit rates, their relationships at productivity growth rates” (pp. 73-89).
2- “Capital concentration, monopolistic monopoly giant, overpowered in the financial market” (pp. 91-103).
3- “The imperial looting of the affiliated countries” (pp. 105-120).
The third section: “The role of the state, the features of the economic crisis in the 1970s, and the beginning of its eighties” (pp. 121-167), includes two chapters:
1- “The development of the role of the state, its economic and monetary policies” (pp. 123-142).
2- “The features of the economic crisis, its chronic manifestations” (pp. 143-167).
القسم الرابع: «سمات الرأسمالية المعاصرة» (ص169-212)، يضم an introduction + فصلين:
an introduction (ص171-173).
1- “Determine the rates of profit, internationalization and exchange” (pp. 175-196).
2- “The intensification of the imperial looting of the affiliated countries” (pp. 197-212).
القسم الخامس: «التحوّلات البنيوية للرأسمالية، جرّاء الثورة العلمية - التكنولوجية» (ص213-278)، يضم an introduction + 3 فصول:
an introduction (ص215-218).
1- “Structural transformations due to the scientific-technological revolution” (pp. 219-240).
2- “The reflection of the technological revolution on the structural structure” (pp. 241-256).
3- “The growth of the services sector, the role of the state” (pp. 257-278) ■
Versions of "Knowledge Guide" series
1- From the mandate to the Nakba ... 1919-1948
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